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| 1 |
ID:
169570
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| 2 |
ID:
169569
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| 3 |
ID:
169566
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| Summary/Abstract |
The beginning of the 21st century was marked by the growing popularity of the idea that flexible military-political coalitions built for concrete tactical tasks had certain advantages over long-term strategic alliances. This strategy was actively pursued on the international stage by the George W. Bush administration during its first term (largely owing to Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s efforts) due to mounting contradictions caused by the transformation of the world order and the changing place and role of the United States in it. The U.S. gave up the concept of collective approval for external interference and stepped up unilateral actions. As existing collective security institutions become increasingly plagued with problems, flexible coalition strategies gain more popularity as evidenced not only by U.S. actions but also by those of Russia
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| 4 |
ID:
169563
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article explores the role of memory politics in building European identity. Memory politics is considered a functioning system of interactions and communication between different actors with regard to the political uses of the past. Memory politics is one of the key instruments for shaping the macro-political identity of a community. Supranational identity plays only a subsidiary role; at the supranational level, it is impossible to form a stable frame of collective memory. At the same time, European Union institutions are able to act as influential mnemonic actors to develop and implement various strategies of pro-European memory politics. Today, the strategy of recognizing the exceptional role of the Holocaust as a pan-European tragedy is subject to a fundamental revision in the EU.
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| 5 |
ID:
169560
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| Summary/Abstract |
The international system is presented as a three-story construct, with the international governance institutions at the top, states in the middle, and civil and political society and social movements at the bottom. Within this construct, four types of globalism contend for hegemony today: the liberal international order; transformative (revolutionary) internationalism; mercantilist nationalism; and conservative (or sovereign) internationalism.
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| 6 |
ID:
169561
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russian-Chinese relations in the last 20 years are a story of slow but steady progress. Both Moscow and Beijing have made multiple attempts to radically accelerate this progress, generally ending in failure. That being said, neither the breakdown of individual projects, nor the short-term rapprochement between Russia and the United States after September 11, nor the economic crises of 2009 and 2014 could stop the development of bilateral relations.
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| 7 |
ID:
169568
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| 8 |
ID:
169564
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article revisits the issue of economic sanctions efficiency. It concentrates on changes in business behavior when it is affected by governmental enforcement actions. The empirical groundwork is composed of 205 cases of U.S. governmental investigations vis a vis business in 2009-2019. The article tests two major hypotheses. The first one is about the measure of rationality of business when it violates existing sanctions regulations. The second one is about changes in business behavior during and after the investigation. Descriptive statistics shows that violations are rather not planned in advance. Reckless behavior is much more frequent than willful one. However, the data confirm the hypothesis about the transformation of business behavior during and after the OFAC investigation.
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| 9 |
ID:
169562
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia and the European Union had all objective preconditions for establishing a lasting cooperative relationship, which could subsequently lead to integration. However, objective factors of their internal development and systemic changes in global politics resulted in a situation where such relations proved to be unclaimed for both parties.
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| 10 |
ID:
169565
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 1990s-2000s unilateral sanctions were viewed primarily as a reactive, often tactical, policy tool applied to weaker countries, or as an auxiliary strategic instrument (greatly inferior in importance to military-political ones). But today the status of sanctions has risen significantly. From a formal point of view, they are still ineffective since in most cases they do not lead to the achievement of declared political goals. However, in the past two to three years sectoral sanctions against Iranian and Russian companies and their partners, and technological ones against China (in addition to the trade war) have been expanded, which increasingly turns them from a “noisy” but ineffective tactical instrument into one of the pillars of strategic deterrence. This article examines three interrelated developments that have occurred in recent years: unilateral sanctions as such, their effects, both direct and concomitant (collateral damage), and, finally, reactions to them.
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| 11 |
ID:
169567
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| Summary/Abstract |
Understanding ‘sovereignty’ as one and indivisible substance is very convenient for politicians and lawyers, but in the modern political reality it is hardly achievable. Alternative approaches to sovereignty, which imply the possibility of blending the legal systems of different states in the same territory, considerably expand opportunities for resolving territorial disputes
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