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| 1 |
ID:
171000
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is often dismissed as a valid legal instrument within the larger framework of the North Korean legal system. This is an unsurprising outcome given the portrayal of North Korea as a totalitarian dictatorship, documented human rights abuses, and the lack of access to the country's lawmaking processes. It is also a foreseeable result if comparisons are made to liberal democratic constitutions where rights guarantees and judicial review are defining elements. However, the North Korean Constitution deserves more nuanced scrutiny in light of evolving research on socialist and authoritarian constitutionalism in Asia. This article argues that the DPRK Constitution should be included more substantively within the analytical frameworks of Asian, socialist, and authoritarian constitutionalism by virtue of how it functions to nation-build, legitimate institutional leadership, signal ideological shifts, regulate society on collectivist, duty-based principles, and guide economic reforms for development and modernization.
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| 2 |
ID:
171003
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the rapid development of information technology, the internet has penetrated rural China. In this article I examine the impact of internet usage on rural self-employment and investigate its major channels. Employing a semiparametric bivariate probit model, the research finds that internet usage significantly increases the probability of rural self-employment by 5 to 7 percentage points. Further evidence points to the significant impact of internet usage on male, older, and better educated rural laborers, whereas such an effect on female, younger, and less educated laborers is not remarkable. Channel investigation reveals that internet usage encourages rural self-employment by weakening financial constraints, lessening social capital restrictions, and reducing transaction costs.
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| 3 |
ID:
171005
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| 4 |
ID:
171001
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In recent years, North Korean workers overseas have begun to attract increasing attention of the international media, human rights activists, and academics. They are often depicted as being "modern-day slaves," but the present article challenges this approach. It relies on a number of sources, including interviews with former workers (currently residing outside North Korea) and their Russian employers. In many regards, overseas North Korean workers face problematic circumstances. Nonetheless, workers compete for the opportunity to go overseas, since the overseas work, in spite of all hardships, is much preferable to all jobs they can realistically have at home. Rather than seeing themselves as victims, more or less all our interviewees perceive themselves as active and entrepreneurial individuals who succeeded in securing work that, in spite of hard conditions, opens avenues for upward social mobility. They faced constraints and difficulties, of which they are all too aware, but also had agency to act within these constraints. We offer a critical examination of the "forced labor" claim and the applicability of the International Labour Organization's Forced Labour Convention to the issue.
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| 5 |
ID:
171002
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates and defines the essential variables in the historical peace processes in Northern Ireland and Korea and sets essential preconditions for future peace negotiations on the Korean Peninsula. To do so, we conduct a rigorous examination of all Northern Irish agreements to indicate why past Korean peace processes have failed and to offer alternative policy suggestions. Crucial ingredients for a successful peace process are the structure of each negotiation framework, the inclusion of and concessions by key actors in each negotiation, the respect of core interests of each party, and tangible reduction of tensions.
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| 6 |
ID:
171004
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2010 China, with its increasing economic power and influence, has adopted significantly aggressive policies toward its neighboring countries that adopt policies that could infringe upon China's national interests. This study aims primarily to answer the following question: What have been the impacts on itself of China's use of economic retaliation? In other words, what effects have China's economic sanctions had on its overall ability to influence other countries? After examining three remarkable cases of China's imposition of economic pressures on its neighbors since 2010—Japan in 2010 and 2012 and South Korea since 2016—the author finds that China's use of economic coercion can have significantly negative impacts on China itself and can also be very costly in political and strategic terms.
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