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| 1 |
ID:
172635
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| Summary/Abstract |
The long-negotiated agreement to bring peace to Afghanistan appears to be floundering. While the political standoff between the two leading contenders to Presidency has since defused, and a modus vivendi based on power sharing arrived at, commencement of the much awaited intra- Afghan negotiations are delayed. A successful outcome of Afghan reconciliation will bring to naught decades of support to Taliban from some quarters, which successfully chipped away the international resolve to oppose all terrorist activities in, and emanating from, Afghanistan. But this does not suit some parties. This creates a delicate situation that can easily slip out of control due to continuing gruesome violence even when claimed by other extremist groups operating under new flags and symbols. India has been steadfast in its support to the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Despite the adverse security situation, India has continued with its developmental projects. India’s future policy needs to be based on certain realities which the article brings out.
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| 2 |
ID:
172639
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| Summary/Abstract |
In India while nature and range of threats from China and Pakistan have changed, the structure of the forces to counter these threats has remained constant. Each Service views its strategic and operational role in isolation. Joint-ness and integration in operations come secondary to individual service assumed roles and goals. This has led to lack of synergy in operations. Apart from being a manpower intensive armed force, there is lack of interoperability between the forces with neither commonality of equipment nor economies of scale. Shortcomings in the current structure also impact force application. Besides this, the current sectoral area of responsibility and existing allocation of forces make force application predictable. The armed forces within themselves have seventeen individual service commands, most of which are neither co-located nor co-purposed. There are seven single service commands facing China as compared to a single Chinese Western Command deployed across. The existing shortcomings mandate that the system be rehauled to bring about better synergy in every aspect spread from training, capability development to operations.
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| 3 |
ID:
172643
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The article gives out the evolution of the veteran healthcare of the Indian armed forces post-independence till the start of the Ex-servicemen (ESM) Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS) in 2003. Post-retirement benefits are part of terms of engagement of all militaries and are an incentive, as well as reward, for serving the country in difficult circumstances risking one’s own life. In India post-independence, from almost no medical care except for disabled category, that too for selected few disabilities, the veteran medical care has passed through various stages like authorisation of medical treatment in service hospitals, Army Group Insurance (AGI) Medical Benefit Scheme covering high cost treatment not available in service hospitals and finally to ECHS which is a cashless and capless scheme and is one of the largest and efficient healthcare system for veterans in the in world.
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| 4 |
ID:
172642
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In their history, Indians have never undertaken conquest of foreign lands. Even the spread of Hindu kingdoms to Indonesia and Indochina was a consequence of merchant associations spreading influence through trade. The Chola punitive expeditions against Hindu states in South East Asia were more to keep trade routes safe. Why Indian states limited foreign conquests is an important idea to probe today. In contrast, India is the origin of war elephants. It has also contributed to a high-quality literature on statecraft, warcaft and strategy. But the crowning glory is contribution and export of Indian intellectual traditions on scientific and cultural matters. The article deliberates on these enduring values and concepts.
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| 5 |
ID:
172641
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| Summary/Abstract |
Hybrid and asymmetric warfare are an everyday war that developing countries are facing in a military and economic competitive environment. It is difficult to categorise hybrid war as military or quasi military challenge but it has elements of military and non-military domains. This article examines why Hybrid warfare is a necessity for India and therefore development of hybrid warfare capabilities is imperative because, the state may be under attack but unaware of who is attacking, what is he attacking and how is he attacking. To react to such a threat, where lines of peace and war are blurred, India must build hybrid warfare capabilities for dynamic response to ambiguous and alternative wars. The threat may be kinetic, non-kinetic, political, cyber, transnational organised crime, global terrorism, asymmetric conflict, threat to resources, to diaspora and to key infrastructure. Hybrid war cannot be fought in silos; it requires integration of all elements of hybrid war for offensive and defensive operations. Therefore, India needs to develop asymmetric edge and build capabilities to fight ambiguous and amorphous adversaries by synergised application of intelligence, information, cyber, electronic, conventional and unconventional means. For this India requires a new organisation for Hybrid War, a Hybrid warfare Division, the article brings out similar models in some countries which have gone in for it and thereafter gives a suggested organisation and capability development framework for this division.
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| 6 |
ID:
172636
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Recently Nepal is in uproar against India and anti-India sentiments are rising. This will eventually have lasting effect on bilateral relations. The main causes of this are both, internal political turmoil and the external factors. However, the crucial aspect also lies in Nepal using the ‘China card’ all along in its diplomacy that is now being threatened due to cooperation between India and China. As the closeness between India and China will rise, the insecurity of Nepalese leaders and the related evoking of nationalist sentiments will become a major obstacle for India to deal in its relations with Nepal. The historical issue of Kalapani-Lipulekh, border dispute, will be a major factor used by Nepalese politicians as a tool to create India-China rift due to the fact that Nepal knows the vulnerabilities of India, and the border tensions with China. Unless, the Indian government settles these critical issues with Nepal, the irritants will become a major factor used by Nepal to impact India’s role in the region as well as dent its international image. Nepal will surely use hard bargaining to gain benefits from both neighbours.
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| 7 |
ID:
172644
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The signing of the ‘Framework Agreement’ between the Government of India (GOI) and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) (NSCN-IM) on 03 August 2015, that pledges to restore ‘pride and prestige’ of the Nagas, took place after more than six-and-a-half-decades of violence and militarisation of the Naga society. The Agreement has been signed at a moment when the Naga society is marked by enormous fragmentation from within. The recent Accord, which has remained silent on those issues, however, has shifted the Naga national discourse from exclusive sovereignty of the Nagas in Nagaland to that of shared sovereignty of the Nagas within the Union of India. Two aspects of the Agreement have become public. It appears that the Indian Government has accepted the ‘uniqueness of Naga history and culture’ and the NSCN–IM has accepted the primacy of the Indian Constitution. The NSCN-IM had submitted a 20-point Charter of Demand in which it had suggested that relationship between India and Nagalim would be based on the concept of shared sovereignty and the principle of ‘asymmetric federalism’. The accord has far reaching consequences not only for Nagaland but also for other North East (NE) states. The potentiality of the ‘Framework Agreement’ to restore peace in Nagaland needs to be examined by a critical scrutiny.
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| 8 |
ID:
172637
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In Feb 2019, post a devastating suicide car bombing attack on an armed police convoy in the Kashmir Valley, India selected the Indian Air Force to hit back at terrorist training camp at Balakot in Pakistan. India used air power as a strategic signalling tool — in a less than war scenario — crossing the Line of Control (LoC) on an offensive attack mission inside Pakistan for the first time since the 1971 Indo-Pak war. This intelligence driven counter-terror strike against a terror camp highlighted the flexibility of air power to be used in a No War No Peace situation. In future a potent aerospace force has to be ready to deliver decisive blows at very short notice with precision and minimal collateral. In such a scenario, Artificial Intelligence, high-speed weapons (hypersonic) and space-based sensors and network tools will have a significant impact. Besides imbibing new technologies, innovation in use of existing capability and training needs reorientation.
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| 9 |
ID:
172640
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| Summary/Abstract |
India faces a Two and a Half Front active and ever increasing threat viz. China, Pakistan and Internal Terrorism & Insurgency, which definitely places the nation in a high threat category and, therefore, the Indian Armed Forces ought to be structured, manned and equipped on threat basis and not on short term considerations of revenue availability (though this may be an important guiding factor). The Indian soldier has always fought the wars more with personal valour and spirit, as state of the art equipment was mostly not available, so like it was on the icy hills of 1962, or while assaulting on the suicidal cliffs of Kargil or while facing the terrorist bullets in J&K with large deficiency of bullet proof jackets for quite a period. The fighter pilots too have never wavered to fly the ageing jets, and nor have the helicopter pilots ever held back from flying their machines much beyond their endurance and ceilings to support their comrades, and similarly the navy also has been making do with retro-fitted and kitted vessels. Lately, swayed by budget considerations, an impression has been created that the Armed Forces can make do with weapons and equipment of lower specifications. While this too is a subject for debate, one thing is clear that if the soldiers get a feeling that they might be equipped with comparatively inferior weapon systems than their adversaries, it could severely impact the morale. This article outlines in brief the problems and the suggested solutions.
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| 10 |
ID:
172645
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This personal narrative is about the author’s experience in a super high altitude area, akin to the Siachen Glacier, while serving with the Ladakh Scouts. It brings out how in such areas even a seemingly minor issue like the inability to light a stove becomes life-threatening. To the extent that as in this case, superhuman efforts have to be made — to provide fire!
The other day I read a story of the Ladakh Scout ‘Nunnus’1 surviving on milk powder and will power in the Siachen Glacier2. This reminded me of another six Indian Army soldiers who held a post in the Siachen Glacier in a similar situation. It made me nostalgic. I could not help but share my reminiscence of those days, remember those gallant warriors, and an episode where for them it was, seven days without fire.
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| 11 |
ID:
172638
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| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorism is the preferred means of waging proxy war. Over a period of time, states have evolved effective ways and means to deal with traditional means of terrorist attacks. However, suicide attacks by terrorist organisations help enhance the terror quotient of an attack manifold due to its lethality and helplessness of the target state to deter it. Professionals and military experts have been struggling with the motivation and deterrence paradigm of a suicide attack. A multi-causal reasoning of motivation pitched at individual, organisational and environmental levels appears to be the best explanation put forth by social and psychological scientists. Conclusions drawn from discussions on the causality of suicide attacks make it amply clear that it is nearly impossible to deter individuals from undertaking suicide attacks. But at the organisational levels we do have the space to deter such attacks. Terrorist organisations can be deterred by building a perception of invincibility through the twin strategies of deterrence by denial and punishment. The aim of deterrence by denial essentially involves making a potential target extremely difficult to access. Deterrence by punishment involves focused targeting of terror leadership and the resources used to mount such attacks by an organisation. Using these two strategies, India too can deter terrorist organisations from launching suicide attacks. An important aspect, without which we cannot conduct deterrence operations, is the need for sound intelligence. Finally, environmental factors such as addressing the socio-economic conditions, searching for political solutions and countering the terror ideology also help in deterring suicide attacks.
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