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| 1 |
ID:
127929
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic numbers have come to define our world. Individuals, organizations, and governments assess how they are doing based on what these numbers tell them. Economists and analysts loosely refer to statistics measuring GDP, unemployment, inflation, and trade deficits as "leading indicators" and subscribe to the belief that these figures accurately reflect reality and provide unique insights into the health of an economy. Taken together, leading indicators create a data map that people use to navigate their lives. That map, however, is showing signs of age. Understanding where the map came from should help explain why it has become less reliable than ever before.
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| 2 |
ID:
026784
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| Publication |
London, George Allen and Unwin, 1970.
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| Description |
148p.
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| Standard Number |
043301614
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005437 | 339.2/BOW 005437 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
137841
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This article examines Libya's troubled transition from Mu'ammar al-Qadhafi's authoritarian regime. The author asks what past transitions tell us about possible positive pathways from authoritarian rule and what Libya can learn from its previous failures in development in order to shed light on why Libya is struggling in its transition from regime change to economic and political development. The article concludes by identifying Libya's uniqueness with its “shallow state,” its deep regional and tribal rivalries, and distributive economy, which together are currently incapacitating progress towards sustainable development.
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| 4 |
ID:
108102
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| 5 |
ID:
085063
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| 6 |
ID:
106705
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
During the past few years, Sri Lanka appears to have forged closer relations with China. Sri Lanka welcomed Chinese investment in building a port in Hambantota, arms from China for use in its civil war, and "dialogue partner" status in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Such high-profile moves have unnerved analysts fearing the rise of Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean region. A first-time, systematic analysis of the trends in Sri Lanka's economic, military, and diplomatic relations with China reveals that ties have indeed been strengthening. However, Sri Lanka is neither bandwagoning with nor balancing China, as structural realism predicts. More attention should be devoted to explaining the security thinking of small states that are not following such predictions in response to the emergence of a regional hegemon.
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| 7 |
ID:
033771
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| Publication |
US Government Printing Office, 1970.
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| Description |
xvi, 639p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005980 | 959.5032/HEN 005980 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
085856
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2008.
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ASEAN has been proactive in reacting to the economic and political challenges of the rise of China without being overly hostile, reactionary or protectionist against China in a conscious effort to co-prosper with China herself. At the same time, smaller ASEAN neighbours of China hope that China will continue to pursue a policy of good neighbourliness. With this background in mind, the thesis questions for the essay are: what are ASEAN's coping mechanisms to manage the rise of China? How do these questions feature into the overall tussle of ideas between realists and non-realists?
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| 9 |
ID:
086372
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2009.
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We all understand something of what has happened in the global economy, starting in the United States and spreading out from there.If at first people were reasonably confident that their own country would escape some of the consequences of the turmoil, it is clear that day by day, week by week, the evidence has been other.
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| 10 |
ID:
173186
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Tensions between the United States and China have been on the rise under Xi Jinping and Donald Trump, challenging longstanding regional moves to peace and prosperity. In response, a number of less powerful East Asian states have taken steps toward deeper regional economic ties and multilateral institutions. This paper analyzes these competing tensions and their implications for the Asia-Pacific regional order.
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| 11 |
ID:
086431
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2009.
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Since its inception in 1996 ASEM has provided an opportunity for focussing relations between the EU and East Asia as a forum for informal multilayered dialogue and building a framework for enhanced cooperation in the political, economic and social/cultural fields. Inter-regionalism, of which ASEM is the incarnation in the EU-Asia relationship, developed into an important policy tool of the EU in an effort to maintain a multipolar setting. Regional identities in Asia are at a different level when comparing South East Asia, North East Asia, East Asia and South and Central Asia. ASEM contributed to a certain extent to the region building in East Asia. Although the economic pillar of ASEM turned out to be the more important one when compared to the political and the people-to-people pillars, it will not become the basis for a (deep) inter-regional free trade agreement because of the diversity of the Asian members, reinforced by the last ASEM enlargement. However, turning weakness into strength, ASEM could become the EU's vehicle for a more holistic approach to Asia thereby fostering a more economic and political multipolar world order. The financial melt down of the international financial order lead to the rediscovery of the need for international cooperation not only on the level of business but also among states. Making use of ASEM, developed over the last 12 years, could provide the much needed platform in the EU-Asia relationship.
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| 12 |
ID:
086325
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2009.
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This paper attempts to examine the process of China's participation in regional cooperation in Asia and the factors that affect its participation. It focuses on a changing China-ASEAN relationship that is reshaping Asia. To build a peaceful and stable external environment, China has been making various efforts, political, economic and in the security field, to maintain and upgrade a harmonious and constructive relationship with its neighboring East Asian countries. Politically, China acceded to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC), essentially accepting the code of conduct stipulated by ASEAN and prompting other regional countries to observe this code. China has been supportive of ASEAN, playing a leadership role in East Asian regional cooperation. China and Asian regional cooperation is an evolving concept and a couple of theoretical points may be taken into account, such as how regional cooperation influences major powers' international behavior and vice versa.
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| 13 |
ID:
190745
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India and China share about 3,488 km long International Boundary, which has three sectors: Western, Middle and Eastern. The Eastern sector comprises two Northeastern states, that is, Arunachal Pradesh measuring 1,124 kms and Sikkim measuring 219 kms, respectively. Due to recent changes in the geopolitical relationship with China, border management and transport infrastructure development have occupied centre stage. In recent years, the Government of India has taken initiatives to develop railway infrastructure in Northeast India. The study will focus on the role of railway transportation in Sino-Indian geopolitical competition. The study is based on secondary data collected from the office of General Manager, Northeast Frontier Railway, the Census of India and reports of Memorandums of Understanding between India and China. The study reveals that railway infrastructure along the border creates geo-psychological pressures on both countries, influencing the divergent geopolitical relationship between India and China. Railway diplomacy is a tool kit of critical geopolitics which reveals the contours of geopolitical competition in borderlands.
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| 14 |
ID:
084884
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2008.
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Relations between Brazil and India seem to be blooming recently, favoured by a mix of domestic and international developments. Together with an expanded terrain of common interests in multilateral political and economic matters, both countries share the trend of perceiving bilateralism as a stimulating and useful learning process. Furthermore, they have assumed a leading role in the process of revival of South-South diplomacy in world affairs. Brazil and India have become major actors in recent proposals aimed at simultaneously promoting a renewed configuration of multilateral institutions and innovative inter-state coalition building among developing countries. The India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA) initiative is part of this strategy. However, time and maturity are still needed to assert that Brazil-India bilateral ties and converging interests will build up as a relevant dimension for each other's international insertion as well as for an effective renewal of South-South relations in the twenty-first century.
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| 15 |
ID:
181577
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The idea of global free trade as an end in itself is obsolete in a multipolar world of several great powers and shifting coalitions, in which today’s friendly trading partner may be tomorrow’s enemy determined to cut off essential supplies.
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| 16 |
ID:
124049
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Interactions between China and Japan in multilateral "ASEAN plus dialogue partners" forums--the economic groupings ASEAN Plus Three and East Asia Summit, and the security groupings ASEAN Regional Forum and ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting Plus--have moved from attempts at cooperation, to competition for influence, and thence to attentiveness or disinterest.
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| 17 |
ID:
086572
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper establishes a novel understanding of the nature and implications of China's rise. By borrowing Robert Gilpin's concept of sub-optimisation, it is argued that China is the most prominent player in a non-Western subgroup's suboptimisation strategy, which undermines the Western-dominated neoliberal capitalist system, or the Washington Consensus, and liberal democratic values, taken as gospel by Western economists, governments and industry for the past 30 years. While China and other non-Western states are a part of this system, a consequence of their actions within the system, and particularly in the international energy markets, is that they are increasing their relative gains at the expense of the larger group. China-led subgroup's suboptimisation strategy may result in direct competition between the predominant neoliberal Western paradigm, which is synonymous with globalisation, and which has entered into a structural crisis, and the emerging non-Western economic and political capitalist model.
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| 18 |
ID:
102532
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's environmental degeneration carries fundamental political, economic and social implications for its future development and its international reputation. The complexity of the challenge is underlined by the variety of environmental issues China is confronted with. Among them we can identify water shortage, desertification, industrial and urban air pollution, acid rain, and extreme weather patterns. China is already a major polluter and its growth focus as well as the rapid urbanization process we can observe will further increase the pressure on the environment. China's ability or inability of formulating an environmental friendly development strategy is of critical importance for its future development.
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| 19 |
ID:
189256
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To date, perceptions of China's rise in relation to US hegemony in the international realm has not escaped scholarly scrutiny. For the period 1990–2019, the International Relations literature has made a somewhat copious contribution to the broader debates on the US and China. Within the Sino-Latin America Caribbean (LAC) discourse, the implications of China's ascent for US interests in the region is an underlying concern. The region is considered salient in broader power configurations as a result of its geostrategic positioning in relation to the US. However, perceptions pertaining to the triad of interests in the space account largely for powerful states in the dynamic. Despite the ambiguous perceptions associated with a rising China in the international realm and the Latin America Caribbean region's strategic position, rather than being preoccupied with ideas of the ‘China threat’, these states appear to have largely bypassed the more threatening rhetoric associated with China's rise in the period under scrutiny. In seeking to bring Latin America and Caribbean states into the discourse, the article examines how benign perceptions shaped the region's relationship with China. The argument is made that Latin America and Caribbean states sought to frame and navigate their relationship with China largely on the premise of economic opportunity amidst a firmly embedded US role inside the region which further repudiated ideas of the ‘China threat’ in the engagement. In unpacking the argument, the discussion seeks to show that more favourable images of China's economic ascent punctuated LAC states responses to China and that such states have been driven by a high level of economic pragmatism in the relationship. It also illustrates that the underlying hegemonic order has practical effects and more subtle manifestations inside LAC states which mitigated against perceptions of threat in China's rise in the region.
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| 20 |
ID:
115514
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| Edition |
2nd
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| Publication |
London, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2011.
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| Description |
xi, 381p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780742567825
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056868 | 915.1/VEE 056868 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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