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ID:
186780
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the shift in the balance of power in Central Asia in
the context of the United States’ declining global hegemonic power. The
authors analyze the hegemonic struggle between China, Russia, and the
U.S. in Central Asia and its influence on the middle power formation in this
region. The authors argue that although Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have
high economic potentials, by certain criteria they have not achieved the
status of middle powers yet. “Middlepowermanship dilemma” is formulated
to explain why a hegemonic order has not been established in Central Asia
and why middle powers have not emerged in the region.
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| 2 |
ID:
172938
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| 3 |
ID:
189836
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article conceptualizes the current crises around Ukraine and Taiwan
as “a reverse Cuban missile crisis.” The Cuban missile crisis was a turning
point in the history of the Cold War. The two superpowers found themselves
at the brink of mutual annihilation and turned to negotiations to prevent
it. Today the transformation of the world order and escalation of the great
power competition can culminate in a new crisis like the Cuban one, and
with a similar outcome. However, in contrast to the USSR which ultimately
recognized the United States’ red lines, today the U.S. does not recognize
Russia’s and China’s red lines, denying the very legitimacy of red lines as
such. The U.S. plans to retain its hegemony and seeks to achieve it with the
help of its regional allies. This strategy of “offshore balancing” has proven
to be quite useful for the U.S., which seems to ignore any discontent coming
from Russia and China.
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| 4 |
ID:
180788
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the general view on the Taliban1
as a proxy actor, it has become
capable of pursuing independent domestic and foreign policies. Two basic
options for the Taliban’s role in regional affairs are possible in the future.
Under the Taliban’s rule Afghanistan may become either a scene of rivalry
between great and regional powers, or a neutral zone with a revived buffer
function it performed long before the 1970s. The Taliban’s independent
policies make the latter option quite feasible. However, if global and
regional actors with vested interest do not ensure necessary international
conditions, Afghanistan’s neutral role will not be possible. More broadly, the
entitlement to an independent foreign policy granted by great powers as
they abstain from imposing their influence over Afghanistan suggests a new
feature of the current polycentric world. Instead of trying to enhance their
costly influence on various regions, great powers may prefer to keep each
other from doing so, thus creating new niches for small and middle powers.
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