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| 1 |
ID:
180081
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| Summary/Abstract |
Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) is considered a US strategy to deal with China and maintain and expand its influence in the Indo-Pacific region. Though FOIP is considered an initiative of the United States, implementing it successfully requires the participation of the Quad including the United States, India, Japan and Australia. Besides the Quad, other factors coming from the developing economies of the region will be indispensable components of FOIP. The article gives an overview of the FOIP as well as analyses the stands of ASEAN and Vietnam on this strategy from the perspective of the Vietnamese scholars.
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| 2 |
ID:
173497
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sri Lanka is at the heart of Indian Ocean region, and has occupied geo-strategic location which is viewed as extremely significant. It is a small island situated at the main sea lines of communication between the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea and between the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. Lately, the Indian Ocean as a whole and Sri Lanka in particular has become a terrain for strategic competition between major powers, including China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific concept initiated by the Quad states (USA, India, Japan, and Australia).
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| 3 |
ID:
192545
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article revisits the conceptualisation of (regional) order in International Relations (IR) theory to illuminate key aspects of Japan’s order-building role in the Indo-Pacific. The framework is based upon a multi-dimensional understanding of regional order-building allowing for an examination of Japan’s vision for a ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) policy ‘vision’, the challenges it faces as a secondary power, and its conduct as an emerging entrepreneurial power in the Indo-Pacific. The article’s central argument is that Japan’s order-building should be understood in the context of the country’s deeper strategic situation and, in particular, its position as a secondary, but still highly influential, power. This has implications for understanding Japan’s approach to international order and how it might deploy norm entrepreneurship in shaping the new Indo-Pacific order.
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| 4 |
ID:
186965
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the distancing of the EU from Xi Jinping and the strengthening of relations with Japan in the context of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy in 2021, we are witnessing the birth of a new political paradigm binding Europe to Asia based on the values of democracy and the rule of law. The ongoing war in Ukraine, the recent US shift which shows disinterest in European affairs, and the creation of AUKUS are factors that might enhance the future role of the FOIP or risk to weaken it. This contribution aims to highlight and analyze these factors, questioning the future of this strategy and suggesting paths that can make its implementation more effective, in order to exploit all the possibilities that may be offered through its agenda and ensuring the maintenance of the international liberal order.
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| 5 |
ID:
179779
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| Summary/Abstract |
For the past decade, China and Japan have been competing against each other over aid market with its implicit intention to pursue their economic interests, which turned into a rivalry between two diplomatic concepts: Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) versus Japanese Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) Strategy. The severe competition over high-speed rail (HSR) by two countries, joined by French and German competitors, has been intensified for the benefit of China, taking all of its catchup benefits with its dubious sense of rule of law. This article asks if the two initiatives can coexist with the entry of India into the game and form an equilibrium of ‘grand coalition’, benefiting all its players as ‘win-win-win’ game, which turns out to be feasible and unstable. Nevertheless, Japan still seems to have a good reason to keep India as a strategic partner of FOIP as well as a ‘gateway’ for Central and Western Asia with fragile states such as Afghanistan and Pakistan, and official development assistance (ODA) could play a significant catalyst role as ‘human security’ promoted by Professor Amartya Sen and ex-UNHCR Ms. Sadako Ogata. The COVID-19 pandemic together with the exit of the isolationist US administration may provide the world with glimmering sense of hope for the year 2021 and beyond, if and only if one becomes more aware of the complementarities of comparative advantage of China, India and Japan to pursue common interests.
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| 6 |
ID:
176995
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Indo-Pacific region is now home to at least two competing regionalism road maps, China’s Belt Road Initiative (BRI) and Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision (FOIP). Through comparing their respective development trajectories, this article examines the relationship between these two regionalisation initiatives. Key lines of enquiry include the following: Is the interaction between the BRI and the FOIP Vision reactive, proactive or both? Why has each initiative changed its trajectory? How can we characterise these competing initiatives? This article employs a regionalism matrix analysis that compares two different approaches, integration from a ‘rational-legal perspective’ with an emphasis on broad cooperation and state sovereignty from a ‘process-oriented perspective’ with a focus on exact goals. It finds that the BRI focuses on both a high degree of state sovereignty based on a ‘process-oriented perspective’ and exact cooperation. In contrast, FOIP stresses integration through a ‘rational-legal perspective’, broad cooperation and a shared rules-based order. Furthermore, there is a reactive interplay between these two regionalism frameworks that shapes their orientation and influences their focus.
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