|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
172816
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, increasingly serious incidents of violence have been committed by young men predominantly in the United States and Canada who self-identify as incels (involuntary celibates). Although these attacks often specifically target women, the principal source of their animus, men as well as children have been among the casualties in the series of shootings and vehicular homicides that have occurred at universities, high schools, and on city streets. Although, the incel worldview is not obviously political, its core ethos entails the subjugation and repression of a group and its violence is designed to have far-reaching societal effects. Accordingly, incel violence arguably conforms to an emergent trend in terrorism with a more salient hate crime dimension that necessitates greater scrutiny and analysis—especially as it spreads to Europe and shows similarities to and has nascent connections with other terrorist movements.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
172824
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorists are using social media for the mass dissemination of terrorism-supporting messages. Activating the “long arm of the law” mechanism over media corporations, similar to that in the financial sector, will help to eradicate this phenomenon. The article describes the structure of a holistic framework that expands legal liability for the publication of terrorism-supporting content so that it applies to the entire chain of participants facilitating its distribution: the corporation, the platform, the Web-user publishing the content, and the Web-user viewing the content. The article proposes an adaptation of criminal legal tools at the state and international levels, as well as tools from the field of civil law; finally, the article argues that civil society also has the power to generate social change and to shape a mindset that imposes corporate liability on user content.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
172826
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Terrorists who believe they have a role to play in bringing about the apocalypse pose a serious threat to countries around the world. In their quest to eradicate this especially pernicious form of terrorism, states, including liberal democratic ones, confront the understandable temptation to eliminate such groups through brute force: repression of apocalyptic groups and their constituencies at home and overwhelming military force abroad. Using a comparative case study of France and Japan, this article argues that such policies actually serve to perpetuate the very conditions that generate further terrorism rooted in apocalyptic beliefs. France’s policies of repression of Islam at home and militarism abroad have had the unintended consequence of encouraging attacks by those affiliated with the apocalyptic group the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Conversely, the case of Japan shows that successfully combating apocalyptic terrorism requires far more understated measures, including respecting religious rights at home and caution in using force abroad.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
172822
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study is a content analysis of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)’s French-language magazine Dar al-Islam. The first seven issues of the magazine are quantitatively examined and broken down into the number of articles, images, and terms used as a means of determining how ISIS targets French-speaking individuals. This study find that ISIS focuses on religious terminology and justifications to rationalize its existence and its fight. Also, despite being a French-language magazine, a majority of the focus is on Middle Eastern groups, not Western groups. Overall, the magazine is similar, but not a carbon copy to ISIS’s English-language magazine, Dabiq.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
172818
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
We examined whether and how social media play a role in the process of radicalization, and whether and for what purposes extremists use social media after they become radicalized within a sample of fifty-one Canadian extremists. Differences between converts and non-converts in terms of their radicalization process, involvement in terrorism, and social media usage were also investigated. Data were collected from a combination of media reports via an in-depth LexisNexis search and court records obtained from The Canadian Legal Information Institute database. The results confirm that social media played a role either during or after the radicalization process of the majority of the sample and converts are more vulnerable to online radicalization than non-converts.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
172827
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Are female suicide bombers deadlier than male suicide bombers? Utilizing newly coded data on the tactical attributes of suicide terrorism worldwide from 1998 to 2015, this study shows that the use of female suicide bombers is not only positively correlated with the lethality of the suicide attacks, but also accentuates the existing tactical advantages of suicide terrorism. Especially in the cases of soft targets like civilians, and easily accessible locations, the deadliest outcomes result from those attacks carried out by female suicide bombers.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
172820
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Conventional knowledge and early academic work on lone-actor terrorists has popularized the concept that they radicalize, operate, plan, and execute plots in relative anonymity, with little connection to formal or more organized terrorist groups and networks. However, recent scholarship has increasingly challenged the notion of the “loneliness” of lone-actors. In order to further empirically test this notion, this article uses social network analysis to examine the ideological, signaling, and support networks of two case studies of lone-actors during the twenty-four months prior to the commission of their first act of terrorist violence.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
172828
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines how military counterterrorism (CT) measures affect the quality of democracy by altering civil–military relations (CMR) and focuses on CMR as the main causal mechanism. We argue that the use of military measures in CT jeopardizes democracy at the societal level by increasing the belief that only the military is equipped to deal with the threat at hand. Therefore, erosions of civil liberties are tolerated in exchange for security. Second, we argue that military CT measures change the balance between the military and civilian executive powers in procedural and liberal democracies. While the military’s executive power increases in procedural democracies, civilian executive power increases and goes unchecked in liberal ones. Case studies of the United States and Turkey show that military CT measures affect CMR in these countries, which generate a similar tradeoff between security and the quality of democracy, albeit via different causal mechanisms. While that tradeoff is less severe in the United States, Turkey is more vulnerable to erosion of democracy.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
172819
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article conducts a social network analysis (SNA) on discrete groups of Australian-based jihadists across three time periods and then compares these groups to an aggregated network. The aim of this analysis is to potentially reveal hidden connections between seemingly separate groups that could facilitate the flow of information and resources. Results reveal the presence of a number of key actors who appear to connect groups across different geographic locations and time periods. By utilizing SNA to identify the presence of these critical individuals, this case study aims to contribute to our overall understanding regarding how terrorist networks manage to endure, evolve, and adapt over time.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
172823
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Several conflict studies explore material factors connected to state performance (e.g., growth and Gross Domestic Product per capita). Recently, georeferenced conflict research has linked local economic factors such as subnational wealth and intrastate inequality to conflict. However, few studies concern the people’s perceptions. More specifically, existing studies neglect the effect of performance legitimacy, understood as the people’s evaluations of presidential performance. This study argues that systematic focus on subnational variation of presidential performance legitimacy contributes to a deeper understanding of conflict occurrence. This is because objective indicators of performance such as economic wealth differ from actual perceptions of performance. The hypothesis is investigated with survey data from the Afrobarometer rounds 2–5 covering thirty-four countries and 376 first-order administrative units. These data are merged with georeferenced data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED) and the Peace Research Institute Oslo-Grid dataset (PRIO-GRID). The results show that high levels of performance legitimacy in a province decrease the expected number of conflict events the following year. Future conflict studies should therefore include perceptions on a substate level.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
172825
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
While much of the literature concerning counterterrorism focuses on policies and strategies aimed at removing either the terrorist environment and/or the groups or individuals willing to utilize political violence to achieve their goal(s), there is a much smaller body of work concerned with antiterrorism, namely those defensive measures that are designed to prevent or deter terrorist attacks. Increasingly, crowded places have become popular targets for terrorists and the research presented in this article connects the planning, design, and development of real estate with respect to the adoption of protective counterterrorism measures. It seeks to develop new understandings of the considerations that real estate developments have toward terrorism, as well as the barriers that may inhibit counterterrorism protective security measures in future development projects. The analysis is based on qualitative research, namely semi-structured interviews conducted in the United Kingdom, United States, and Australia with professionals involved in all core strands of the real estate development process. The findings suggest that considerations toward terrorism vary considerably as a consequence of a range of factors and that while expected factors such as cost and aesthetics are important determinants for decision making, a range of other barriers exist.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
172817
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The research aimed to develop and test a new dynamic approach to preventive risk assessment of violent extremists. The well-known New York Police Department four-phase model was used as a starting point for the conceptualization of the radicalization process, and time-stamped biographical data collected from court documents and other public sources on American homegrown Salafi-jihadist terrorism offenders were used to test the model. Behavioral sequence patterns that reliably anticipate terrorist-related criminality were identified and the typical timelines for the pathways to criminal actions estimated for different demographic subgroups in the study sample. Finally, a probabilistic simulation model was used to assess the feasibility of the model to identify common high-frequency and high-risk sequential behavioral segment pairs in the offenders’ pathways to terrorist criminality.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
172821
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The emergence of the Islamic State organization on the Syrian war scene has raised the role of amphetamines, and in particular the drug Captagon, in explaining the military performance and the savagery of its militants. This phenomenon has received extensive coverage in the international media. We review the evidence for it relying on available public sources in the context of a historical understanding of the use of stimulants in warfare and the Islamic position on psychoactive substances.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|