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| 1 |
ID:
174227
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| Summary/Abstract |
Corruption is the biggest obstacle in the way of human development. In a highly corrupt public life, citizens’ satisfaction seems to be a mirage. But can citizens’ satisfaction be possible even if there is less chance of sounding the death knell for corruption? To investigate this, this study examines the mediating effect of trust in democracy and civil society participation in the relationship of corruption and citizens’ satisfaction in the context of Somalia, considered to be the most corrupt country in the world. Using a survey, a total of 205 valid responses from public service users in Somalia were put into confirmatory factor analysis. The empirical results show the partial mediation of civil society participation and trust in democracy; however, civil society participation is more effective than trust in democracy in mediating the relationship of corruption and citizens’ satisfaction, because of less negative indirect effect.
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| 2 |
ID:
174222
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In South Africa, the smallholding-farming system is a dominant economic activity in rural communities. This study examines smallholder-farmers’ perceptions in regards to climate changes, in comparison with evidence from meteorological data from 1980–2015, across Vhembe District; data from a questionnaire and recorded meteorological were used. The results reveal that, farmers’ perceptions of climatic conditions are consistent with meteorological details on climatic change. In other words, the study, showed that, farmers’ perceptions using climate indicators, mirror meteorological data. It was concluded that it is imperative for farmers to understand issues such as, temperature and rainfall patterns in order to identify adaptive strategies to the negative impacts of climate.
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| 3 |
ID:
174215
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| 4 |
ID:
174225
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Based on the fourth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey, I examine the contours and determinants of East Asians’ role model choices. The results show that pro-authoritarianism rule, recognition of China’s regional hegemon status, perception of China’s soft-power image, admiration for good governance, or inward-looking nationalism make East Asians more likely to choose an alternative role model rather than the USA. If the USA should loom out of East Asians’ vision for their country role model, the alternative role models would carry consequences in a potential shift in the democratic regime paradigm and a possible change in the political landscape in East Asia.
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| 5 |
ID:
174218
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| 6 |
ID:
174226
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article, using documentary analysis, adopts a fresh perspective to understanding why Nigeria, in spite of its exceptional potentials, has not attained hegemonic pre-eminence in Africa. Specifically, it seeks to decipher the central driver of the country’s hegemonic conundrum. It notes and argues that although many endogenous factors, alone or in combination, could have worked and are still at work to undercut Nigeria’s quest for regional hegemony, the central factor is the oil-induced rentier political economy which has not only marginalized the indigenous productive sector, but has also institutionalized rentier culture that had tended to feed into the country’s foreign policy processes and, by extension, diminished its stature in the comity of nations. It concludes that in as much as oil remains the central locus and vertebra of the country’s economy, and the country continues to be presided over by leaders who lack the willpower to strategically diversify the economy and institute effective framework for governing the oil sector, the country’s quest for hegemonic pre-eminence in West Africa is more likely to remain a cherished dream.
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| 7 |
ID:
174221
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Supplementing literature study with in-depth unstructured interviews from the two dominant political parties in Ghana on how they mobilize funds, the key argument of this article is that the loss of a presidential election in Ghana is a reduction in a party’s major income streams. Unlike other studies that look at incumbency advantage in party funding from the angle of governments’ policies that weaken the opposition parties, this article analyses incumbency from their sources of funds. It fulfils two major objectives of identifying the sources of funds of political parties and establishing the link between these sources and incumbency.
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| 8 |
ID:
174216
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| 9 |
ID:
174217
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| 10 |
ID:
174223
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Whereas there is a consensus on the significance of rebuilding conflict-torn states and societies, there is no agreement on how it should be done. The dominant framework of post-war rebuilding is clearly biased to rebuilding the ‘hardware’. This article argues that the government’s attempt to rebuild the Rwenzori sub-region in the aftermath of the Allied Democratic Forces war adopted the conventional approach that pays less attention to rebuilding ‘software’. It further asserts that the recovery programme was symbolic given that government wished to avoid the political consequences of not taking action at all. Symbolism not only led to flawed performance of the recovery programme but also negatively affected peace building in the sub-region. The article advocates not only for a synergy of rebuilding ‘hardware’ and ‘software’ but also for a nuanced approach that triangulates top-down and bottom-up approaches at all stages of post-conflict recovery.
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| 11 |
ID:
174224
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Using the neo-Foucauldian literature on neoliberal governmentality as conceptual lens, this paper critically examines Uber’s influence on the governance of urban transport. It argues that ‘uberization’ represents a form of neoliberal governmentality in which Uber replaces the state as the arbiter and protector of citizenship. It distils the underlying logics of uberization through four discursive moments of subjectification and subjectivation in Ghana’s transport sector. Mainly conceptual but interlaced with empirical moments, the paper makes a vital contribution to the literature on how new forms of neoliberalization manifest through varied techno-material instruments in global south cities.
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| 12 |
ID:
174220
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of this paper is to examine the trial process and standard of the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) in Bangladesh. The main aim of the paper is to explore whether the trial is about justice or politics. Two International Crimes Tribunals (ICTs) have been established following the amended ICT Act 2009 after 40 years of independence. To date, more than 30 verdicts have been delivered by the tribunals and most of the accused have been proved to be war criminals, as collaborators with the Pakistani army, and involved in the politics of Jamaat who have penalized for capital punishment. Jammat is name of a political party in Bangladesh. Although the tribunal is named ‘the International Crimes Tribunal’, no international judges or prosecutors – like those who have taken part in the tribunals of Nuremberg, Tokyo, Rwanda, Yugoslavia or the permanent International Criminal Court of The Hague – have been involved in this trial process. The Pakistani military who were involved and accused as war criminals have also been excluded from prosecution. Therefore, a lot of criticisms have made about the trial process and standard; however, some unique features can be found, such as an appeal to the Supreme Court and a mercy petition to the President. It has also been proved that politics are involved in the war crimes and even the trial process, which is not influenced solely by the abstract notions of justice. The paper takes the form of a descriptive case study and is based on mainly secondary sources of information.
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| 13 |
ID:
174219
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