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| 1 |
ID:
174788
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| Summary/Abstract |
For many people working about and being interested in Laos the two editors (Boute and Pholsena) are well known icons of scientific research about their area of expertise. Vatthana Pholsena, in particular, has in the past published a number of articles and books that are essential when doing research about Laos, which Western media sometimes like to compare with North Korea when talking about political backgrounds. All the writers of the different chapters of this book are in their way similarly outstanding even if they are not as famous as the editors.
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| 2 |
ID:
174787
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This article challenges the simplistic view that U.S. leadership in East Asia is weakening relative to China’s increasing ability to shape the regional order, which will force other states to choose between these two powers. Based on interviews with political elites, analysts, and academics in the United States, China, Japan, and Indonesia, we argue that the East Asian order transition is more complex and nuanced, especially when we examine views toward: (1) the Sino–U.S. rivalry for regional leadership; (2) whether Chinese initiatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative disrupt the current order; and (3) the preferred vision of regional order for each of the four countries. While there is hardly a consensus view about issues of regional order, it appears that in the short to medium term, China is not expected to substantially overhaul the existing East Asian order. Nevertheless, Beijing is likely to chip away at U.S. regional leadership and, in the long term, would presumably seek to create an order that would sustain its rise and maintain its regional preponderance. The responses of other regional stakeholders toward these developments would be vital in shaping the collective impact on the East Asian order.
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| 3 |
ID:
174789
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This paper examines the nature of cohesive patterns of roll call voting behavior across international issues among the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Existing studies reveal a high level of foreign policy convergence among these countries. By incorporating several international issues, we set out to advance the scholarly understanding of the ASEAN states’ voting convergence in the UNGA. Our bill-level analysis of voting similarity in the post-Cold War period shows that the respective voting patterns vary across issues on arms control and disarmament, colonialism, economic development, human rights, nuclear weapons and nuclear material, as well as the Palestinian conflict. These findings highlight the ideas and interests of Southeast Asian countries across different foreign policy contexts.
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| 4 |
ID:
174790
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to examine Vietnam-Australia bilateral relations from 2000 to 2018. It will focus on political and economic dynamics of this relationship. Canberra and Hanoi established initial diplomatic contacts in 1973. After the first 27 years of approaching each other, they both recognized that it is in their mutual interests to strengthen and deepen their political and economic linkages. Therefore, from 2001 to 2018, Hanoi and Canberra continued to take practical steps to create political establishments and economic chances for greater successes in their relations. Like any other bilateral relations in world politics, there may be differences between Canberra and Hanoi, yet these differences have not prevented them from bringing their relationship to a new height.
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| 5 |
ID:
174786
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides an empirical approach to analyze the validity of the Ricardian equivalence (RE) theorem for China using time series data over the period 1990 to 2016. The results reveal that private consumption (c) has a long run relationship with tax (T), budget deficit (d), real interest rate (r), and government spending (G2). The empirical results exhibit that the coefficients of T, r, and d are negative and statistically significant which means that an increase in any of variable will reduce private consumption. The proposition of RE theorem holds that it is insignificant if budget deficit is financed by tax increase or debt issue, since under specific conditions, the impact of government consumption on total demand remains orthogonal to the method of financing budget deficit because rational economic agents consider todays deficit financing as tomorrows tax liabilities. The results of multicointegration estimation and rational expectations model invalidates the RE theorem in China. The rejection of the RE theorem for China is due to liquidity constraint, uncertainty which offsets consumption, and finite time horizons which invalidate the RE theorem.
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| 6 |
ID:
174791
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study examines the Sino-Japanese strategic foreign aid competition in the Philippine infrastructure sector. It argues that the practice of geoeconomics in East Asian affairs has intensified as a result of China's rise as a great-power competitor and the growing nexus of security and economics in the region. In order to make their foreign aids attractive, Japan has adopted a set of normative principles that are encapsulated in its “Quality Infrastructure” as a strategy, while China continues to emphasize the principles of Chinese aid and the adoption of the BRI. The article found, among other outcomes, that the existing maritime dispute between the Philippines and China affects the legitimacy and attractiveness of Chinese assistance. On the other hand, due to their deepening bilateral relation, Japan remains the Philippines's most important bilateral development partner.
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