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| 1 |
ID:
174806
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores the ‘Sinicization’ of Islam in Mainland China, focusing on Moon Lake Mosque (a historically significant mosque in Ningbo Zhejiang Province). Islam has a long history within China, but it is upon the CCP’s recent attempts to align Islam with ‘Chinese Socialist Characteristics’ that we explore here. Examining the propaganda around the mosque, we trace how tensions about Islam are both represented and (circum)navigated. These posters correlate aspects of Islam to the Socialist Core Values, but particular omissions of the original Qur’an secularize these passages in order to claim Communist Party moral guardianship and legitimacy. We demonstrate how the framing of this mosque elides its place in Ningbo’s past, and how the absence of representations of historic religious diversity exotifies the mosque and renders such diversity invisible. We argue that ultimately inherent in such Sinicization is the problematic question of what it means for religion to ‘be’ ‘Chinese’.
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| 2 |
ID:
174809
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study of the historical Chinese cases is an engagement with the ongoing debates on the Chinese view of international order and the prospect of Beijing’s supersize project like the Belt and Road Initiative. The overarching idea of this paper is to locate and contemplate the similar dynamics of an ethnically diverse Asia in the sixth, and the seventeenth century, and the continued feature about how various Chinese regimes managed it. Four historical types of international orders (Tianxia) China perceived are accordingly constructed. It argues, as the current internal order is partially challenged by China’s rise, that either the future order or the Chinese ethnic policy will be a mixed one resembling my historical types. A purified Westphalian ‘myth’ and the modern order based on it may be reaching its end, as we are envisaging.
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| 3 |
ID:
174804
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| Summary/Abstract |
The goal of this paper is to present an explanation of why the Muslim governments largely abstained from even bringing up the Uyghur case with China, while the Rohingya issue provoked official condemnations by the governments in many Muslim countries. Although economic factors are most often consulted internationally, this article puts forward political factors as sufficient to explain the Muslim governments’ responses to the Xinjiang issue – primarily the domestic politics, and secondarily seeking of strategic alternatives to balance the West. In the context of hybrid political regimes in many Muslim countries, the domestic public opinion played an important role in deciding whether the government would address the issue. Effectively only Turkey presents the case where the public pays attention to the Uyghurs, and the government felt obliged to raise the issue at least to some extent.
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| 4 |
ID:
174802
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article – by looking at selected cases of the ethnic Tibetans, Uyghurs, and Mongols in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), officially a unitary multinational state – proves that domestic ethnic conflicts have the potential to internationalize and become significant interstate crises. While internationalization factors may at times be difficult to differentiate, I highlight four main mechanisms: 1) third-party intervention, 2) irredentism/separatism, 3) refugee movements across borders, and 4) international ethno-terrorism. Media coverage of ethnic conflict may also initiate a call for justice from the international community. The PRC remains a special case, with the Chinese Communist Party’s continued control over ethnic policy and interactions. This research article also reinforces the idea that ethnic conflict can be integrated into both comparative politics and international relations, as such domestic conflicts often involve and affect actors that transcend state boundaries.
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| 5 |
ID:
174810
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study adopts Goffman’s concept of ‘passing’ to discuss the experiences of mixed children in Japan. Passing is ‘the management of undisclosed discrediting information about self’ and is a concept that has been evolved in the context of stigma. Since 1999, The author has conducted interviews with 139 mixed families of diverse nationalities and religions residing in Japanese urban areas. The aim of this research is to unravel two issues: First, do mixed children perceive their mixed background as a stigma? And second, do passing mixed children feel insecure or guilty about the fact that they are passing? This article concludes that whether or not the child is ‘visibly’ different from other children in Japanese society, and how their parents and teachers perceive their situations are major factors shaping the children’s experiences.
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| 6 |
ID:
174801
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| Summary/Abstract |
China is a multi-ethnic political entity with diverse historical legacies and the modern capabilities to potentially change the current world order. The essence and prospects of China’s policy towards the Muslims may provide important clues about future relations between the world and China. Therefore, more serious studies into how the Chinese regime has dealt with Muslim issues and how Chinese ethnicity has been changed are required. This special issue of ‘Muslims across the Chinese border’ enlists six in-depth papers on this critical topic with multidisciplinary and multidimensional analyses. Up-to-date issues like the mechanisms of internationalization of ethnic grievances, effects of China’s religious policy in the Han-Chinese area and Central Asia, and the evolution of satisfactory feeling of overseas Chinese Muslims are addressed. Insights provided by these cutting-edge studies will encourage more innovative ideas on the studies of Chinese Muslims, and global Muslims as a whole.
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| 7 |
ID:
174803
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2017, the Chinese government’s internment campaign of Uyghurs and other Turkic peoples has prompted unprecedented interest in human rights issues in Xinjiang. Academia, non-governmental organizations, and the Uyghur community in the United States have responded with an upswing of activism urging states to protect Uyghurs in China and overseas through policy and legislation. The United States administration and Congress have been the most vocal about internment in Xinjiang. Legislative measures, such as the UHRP and UIGHUR Acts offer a framework to sanction Chinese officials responsible for human rights abuses in Xinjiang and mobilize U.S. law enforcement to end harassment of Uyghur-Americans demonstrating the parallels between activism and state action. The UHRP and UIGHUR Acts are the first meaningful responses to human rights issues in Xinjiang; however, the pursuit of legal accountability should not become captive to changing strategic ambitions.
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| 8 |
ID:
174807
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates the quality of life of the Kelantan Chinese Muslim community before and after conversion to Islam, focusing on their level of satisfaction in term of economic aspect. This research was carried out using the sequential explanatory mixed method design involving 75 respondents selected for quantitative and five respondents for qualitative. The sampling method adopted was convenience and snowball samplings. The research data was collected using questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. The results revealed that respondents were moderately satisfied before conversion and satisfied after conversion. Besides that, there is no significant difference of quality of life before and after conversion to Islam (F = 0.868, p = 0.355) and it was not influenced by the period of conversion to Islam (F = 0.832, p = 0.589). This analysis indicates numerous respondents are still moderately satisfied in their quality of life even though the average data shows they are satisfied after conversion.
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