| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
192600
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Studies on Hong Kong’s contentious politics have focused primarily on the high tides of mobilization. Scant attention is paid to what became of the intense mobilizations following their decline. This article spotlights the “abeyance” politics of community activism, in which activists sought to make territorial communities an arena of social and political participation in quieter times after mass mobilizations. Drawing on the concept of abeyance from political sociology, we argue that community activism served as “abeyance structures” after the mass mobilizations in the early 2010s, a major protest cycle preceding the 2019 anti-extradition movement. Based on mixed methods and original data, we argue that these abeyance structures not only allowed activists to maintain their political engagement but also gave rise to various practices of “lived citizenship” in territorial communities. These practices produced a changing sense of political subjectivity among citizens, establishing a more grounded notion of democracy that emphasizes their participation in local affairs and social entitlements. Our findings aim to enrich the literature on movement abeyance and provide a nuanced understanding of political activism in Hong Kong beyond street politics.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
178739
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In September 2018, the Vatican and the People’s Republic of China reached a landmark provisional agreement, marking a new phase of relations between the two states since the severance of ties in 1951. What led to the signing of the agreement? What are its critical achievements and failures? This article argues that it was the realpolitik of Pope Francis, the first Jesuit Pope, that led the Vatican to make ‘a leap of faith’ and diverge from the two previous papacies. The most significant achievement of the agreement was arguably the establishment of a ‘China model’ in appointing bishops. However, this development has also stirred up confusion and sidestepped crucial issues such as the status of the Chinese Catholic Patriotic Association.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
176138
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Why do social movement participants turn to elections to advance their goals? Little scholarship has examined movement–election connections at the micro level, and cases from nondemocratic settings are few. After the 2014 Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong failed to achieve substantive results, very few occupiers ran as candidates in the next two general elections. Drawing on interviews with Umbrella candidates and campaign assistants, I argue that after being politicized by the occupation, those candidates used the authoritarian elections to prolong their challenge. They ran to prove that the occupation, though it had failed, did enjoy popular support, thus turning the elections into electoral “moments”: eruptions of civic energy. Their campaigns were also direct challenges to the existing parties. However, they were constrained by electoral logic. Candidates therefore devised various tactics to justify their decision, and to differentiate themselves from conventional candidates.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|