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| 1 |
ID:
174391
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the period 1950–1970, the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP) managed the economy and all enterprises. However, the party central authorities were unable to manage every single plant directly. One of the most important elements of the governing system was the local communist party apparatus, which supervised factories in the regions. This article examines the strategies of local apparatchiks in their relations with the factory managers. Using archival documents of PUWP from the Warsaw area, this article identifies the prevailing behaviours of party actors and changes in their strategies over time.
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| 2 |
ID:
174394
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| Summary/Abstract |
Urbanisation and the ageing of the rural population contribute to shortages of skilled workers in agricultural sectors worldwide. Migration may potentially alleviate these shortages. This study explores individual decision-making by skilled Russian rural youth with respect to migration, paying special attention to values and attitudes. Using qualitative and quantitative data, we identify major factors that may influence intentions to move abroad. Apart from income differentials, we find that social ties, individual values and attitudes are associated with migration intentions. Agricultural students unwilling to work in agriculture and who dislike the rural lifestyle tend to be motivated to migrate abroad in search of an alternative.
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| 3 |
ID:
174393
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how Russian NGOs in the field of domestic violence operate in a legal climate characterised by both state restriction and support. I conceptualise anti-violence NGOs that belong to a network as an ‘epistemic community’ and demonstrate that NGOs in my study faced challenges to the recognition of their expertise by state representatives and to the promotion of their vision of policy change. Yet, these NGOs continued to invest their resources in educational events for state specialists. I propose to theorise these educational events as a means of developing a knowledge-based network that can support domestic violence survivors despite lacking formal mechanisms of inter-agency collaboration.
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| 4 |
ID:
174392
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on extensive and diverse primary material, this article provides a detailed analysis of the development of Belarusian government-affiliated youth organisations from the late 1980s until 2002. Using a historical institutionalist approach, it examines the transformation of the Belarusian Komsomol into an independent association and the emergence of new, proactive pro-government youth organisations. The article demonstrates that, contrary to common assumptions, building a mass membership pro-presidential youth organisation in Belarus was a complex project that took years to complete. When the Belarusian Republican Youth Union finally emerged in 2002, it was a result of an interplay of many structural and agency-related factors.
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| 5 |
ID:
174395
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has attracted many foreign fighters from all over the world. ISIS has disseminated voluminous propaganda in painting itself as the defender of Islam. The core of ISIS messages is designed to have a global religious appeal. At the same time, ISIS has incorporated local issues and grievances into its propaganda message. The analysis of Georgia's experiences with foreign fighters reveals that ISIS has exploited local issues to attract recruits, demonstrating that, even though foreign fighter recruitment seems global, it inevitably draws on local roots.
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| 6 |
ID:
174396
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores origins, structure and functions of repatriate organisations created by Kazakh return migrants in Kazakhstan. The article examines the factors that stimulate Kazakh repatriates to self-organise, analyses the functions of repatriate organisations, and investigates their role in the integration of Kazakh repatriates in their historical homeland. It argues that, although repatriate organisations have been indispensable to the integration of Kazakh repatriates, they cannot be considered as a viable social movement. The political opportunity structure approach is used here to explain the limited ability of repatriate organisations to become a successful collective actor.
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