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| 1 |
ID:
170708
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the Zionist business activity in Cyprus during the 1930s and discusses the motives of its ‘relocation’ from Mandatory Palestine to the neighbouring island. By examining the profile of the investors, the article argues that ideological and economic considerations shaped Jewish business networking in the Eastern Mediterranean. Apart from the benefits of trade protectionism, most of the Jewish ventures were run in Cyprus by businessmen devoted to Zionism, whose companies on the island would not only benefit them economically, but further support their role as economic carriers of the future Jewish state. Behind their business engagement, there was also the idea of generating Jewish-friendly settlements close to Palestine, where Jews from Central Europe could be accommodated as the migratory flow from Central Europe in the 1930s was increasing. This particular form of business activity marked also the rise of a Zionist business culture, which relied heavily on British markets.
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| 2 |
ID:
170714
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the applicability of the confederative model to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Based on a comparative examination of successful and failed federative/confederative experiences in the 20th century, it argues that applying this solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict will prove highly challenging if not wholly impossible. This is mainly because of the power asymmetry between two parties; dissimilar political systems (democratic vs authoritarian/dictatorial); restricted Palestinian sovereignty; failure to recognise Jewish self-determination; and the likelihood that this arrangement will need to be imposed
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| 3 |
ID:
170718
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| 4 |
ID:
170709
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article deals with the case of Greek Christian refugees who fled to Cyprus and to the Middle East during WWII in an effort to point out how their settlement was related in a way to the simultaneous movement of the Jewish refugees, mainly survivors of the Holocaust, who tried to reach Mandatory Palestine. The exodus was part of a general movement from many occupied countries, mainly Greece, Poland and Yugoslavia, towards safer areas under the control of the Allies in the Middle East and Africa. It has been estimated that more than 73,000 refugees from these countries had been established in these areas in 1944. The Greek Christian refugees were placed in Nuseirat and Moses Wells camps, while Atlit remained mainly a camp for the Jewish refugees. The majority of Greek Christian refugees were repatriated by UNRRA in Greece after the liberation of the country, in 1945 and 1946.
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| 5 |
ID:
170716
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| 6 |
ID:
170717
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study looks at cultural policy through the analytical lens of two major theories of mass media that are considered of major significance in understanding the reproductive roles of media in nation building and maintenance. Focusing on the Israeli context, it examines the reciprocal relations between the State of Israel during its first decade of independence and its developing cinema industry. It highlights the institutionalised processes through which cinema policies were formulated. The study is grounded on discourse analysis of the minutes of Israeli parliament (Knesset) discussions that preceded enactment of the “1954 Law for Encouragement of Israeli Cinema”. The findings show that the legislative initiative, legislation process and the Law itself reflect the hegemonic “Statist-Zionist” ideology that the ruling elite sought to promulgate and naturalise.
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| 7 |
ID:
170712
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do publics around the world view Israel? With which side of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict are their sympathies and why? Using Pew survey data from 45 countries we analyse individual-level attitudes towards the two sides to the conflict, testing the influence of security factors, regime types and economic relations, as well as religious identity. We find a large range of attitudes, including high levels of sympathy for both Israel and the Palestinians as well as high levels of neutrality. Religious identity plays the most central role in determining whom to support, whereas economic and security factors are secondary.
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| 8 |
ID:
170711
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 1940s in Cyprus, was extremely sensitive to national movements and balances. That’s why the people of the island were not indifferent to the sudden arrival of Jewish refugees. This article describes the history of the Cyprus camps, in which the British forcibly detained tens of thousands Holocaust survivors who had sought to brave the British naval blockade of Palestine, from the perspective of the Greek Cypriot press. Two main coverage prisms can be discerned: description of the British policy and its effects on the Jewish refugees, and the effects of the establishment of the camps for Cyprus’s local population.
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| 9 |
ID:
170713
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| Summary/Abstract |
Israel-Taiwan relations have evolved quite remarkably since the establishment of non-diplomatic ties in the early 1990s. Yet little attention has been paid in the literature to the analysis of the current relations between the two states in general and to the problems and challenges attending this relationship in particular. Based on interviews with Israeli and Taiwanese policymakers, this article seeks to fill this gap as well as to examine to what extent Jerusalem and Taipei are willing and/or capable of utilising the full potential of this emerging partnership.
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| 10 |
ID:
170710
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article focuses on the evacuation of the camps for Jewish detainees in Cyprus during the period between May 1948 and February 1949. While the British Mandate over Palestine ended on 15 May 1948 and the Israeli Provisional Government declared British immigration laws null and void, Jewish immigration to Israel was restricted after 1 June 1948 by UN Security Council Resolution 50. Consequently, over 10,000 internees remained on the island until the final evacuation. While Resolution 50 did not ban immigration per se but rather the military training of the immigrants, the British government nevertheless insisted on maintaining the camps in Cyprus and limiting the immigration of military aged men. The article draws upon archival material as well as press articles and published works on the subject. It undertakes to identify the chief obstacles to the immigration of the remaining detainees on the island in the backdrop of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war and the Israeli path towards statehood and international recognition.
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| 11 |
ID:
170715
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| Summary/Abstract |
Yigal Allon is largely known in the historiography of the Arab-Israeli conflict for the Allon Plan of the late 1960s, which sought to facilitate Israeli-Jordanian-Palestinian peace through the return of most of the West Bank to Jordan while retaining some parts, vital for Israel’s security, in line with UN Resolution 242 of November 1967. What is less known, however, is his attempt in the wake of the June 1967 war to bring about the creation of an independent Druze state in Jabel Druze, in southern Syria. This article sheds light on this overlooked episode – its underlying rationale and causes of failure.
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