|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
177085
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since April 2019, Japan has recognized manual labor as a “specified skill” in new immigration policy. According to OECD statistics on the annual inflow of foreign population by country, Japan ranks fourth among OECD member states. In fact, Japan is a major immigrant destination, with 2.84 million foreign nationals living within its borders. Internationally, the level of happiness among immigrants is considered an important issue, and indeed the World Happiness Report has published a special feature on the topic. However, in Japan, no such surveys have been conducted, with the exception of studies on happiness among international students. The current study examines the level of happiness among immigrants to Japan and was conducted using micro data from the Foreign Nationals’ Opinion Survey conducted by City “T” in Japan. These data were used because no nationwide surveys of happiness among foreign residents in Japan have been conducted. Results of the regression analysis indicated that the ability to speak Japanese had a significantly positive effect on the level of happiness. They also indicate that those who had experienced the negative aspects of life in Japan—such as working for companies that violate labor laws (e.g., not paying overtime) and who had an unpleasant experience in their daily lives—had a low level of happiness. These results suggest the possibility that the image foreign nationals have of Japanese society may worsen, which in turn would lower their level of happiness and lead to their separation from Japanese society. Japan’s immigration policy thus requires an examination of happiness.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
177080
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The objectives of this paper are to elucidate Taiwan’s successful COVID-19 measures as well as the conditions surrounding the deterioration of Cross-Strait relations and to identify future prospects. The author has demonstrated the success of Taiwan’s Novel Coronavirus countermeasures and shown that China’s increasingly hardline policies toward the rest of the world and Taiwan in particular have contributed to unstable Cross-Strait relations. First, Taiwan’s successful anti-epidemic policies have done much to boost Taiwanese self-esteem. Second, within Taiwan, the majority view identified China as the source of the trouble, not the DPP. Third, with US–China relations deteriorating even further as a result of the Novel Coronavirus pandemic, the US began to actively “showcase” Taiwan’s success. Fourth, China’s Taiwan policy is expected to remain deadlocked for the time being. US–China relations are increasingly worsening, Taiwanese public opinion is trending toward increasing distance from China, and all that remains of China’s Taiwan policy is “placing hope on the mainland itself.” Thus, the Cross-Strait relationship is expected to continue deteriorating well into the future.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
177083
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The EU faces international (how to tackle Russian and Turkish policies?) and internal challenges, primarily intra-EU cooperation on strategic policies which are not “common European policies.” This reflects in the EU’s China policy. Nonetheless, some progress has been made. European perspectives on China are gradually changing. There is a growing awareness on the part of European institutions of a need to exercise caution over Chinese investments into the European Union and to counterbalance China’s diplomatic initiatives where they oppose European interests. This has opened avenues for cooperation with Japan, which has long taken a cautious yet benevolent approach to China. EU institutions and member states of greater international influence such as France have been keen to increase cooperation with Japan as they worked to strengthen European and internal legal frameworks.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
177082
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Hong Kong crisis, which began with massive demonstrations against the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill in June 2019, has persisted over a long period. Although these demonstrations were originally organized to oppose the said bill, the government’s hardline approach to the issue made the demonstrators turn toward using increasingly intense methods of protesting. Further, the original stance of opposing the bill underwent a shift toward opposing the government, finally culminating into a full-fledged pro-democracy movement critical of the system that exists in Hong Kong. Consequently, citizens’ interest in politics increased, the sense of identity as a “Hongkonger” deepened, and even “Hong Kong nationalism” began to stir. Finally, the Trump administration, which had previously paid no attention to these developments, signed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act into law and prepared to impose sanctions on China.
In response, in May 2020, the Chinese government declared the imposition of the Hong Kong National Security Law. On June 30, 2020, it enacted the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and enforced it in Hong Kong. This law provides scope for widespread interference by the central government in Hong Kong’s legislative, administrative, and judicial processes, thereby weakening its autonomy. Not only did the vague wording of the law constrain Hong Kong’s citizens about their freedom being compromised, but it was also implemented as a means to suppress the pro-democracy supporters in Hong Kong. However, the Hong Kong National Security Law was strongly opposed by the international community, and the US began imposing sanctions.
Hong Kong is the front line in a “new cold war” situation between the US and China. The fact that the Hong Kong issue led to US-imposed sanctions on China symbolizes the escalation of the geopolitical “new cold war” in East Asia between these two powers. Therefore, the outcome of the Hong Kong issue could potentially determine the future of this region.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
177079
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Historically, the control of epidemics has been closely linked to international cooperation, which has subsequently increased with globalization. The spread of infectious diseases is no longer just a threat to public health, but a global crisis, as it can paralyze the economy, the development, or the defenses of every country worldwide. However, the response structure has not adapted to this feature of modern infectious diseases. Issues with the existing structure have been exposed through COVID-19, such as lack of global solidarity, structural problems, and the lack of a coordinating mechanism for responding to the pandemic as a global crisis, none of which will improve without active commitments from member states. International solidarity is also crucial for maintaining the liberal international order that is now at risk. In addition to other middle powers such as the nations of Europe or Oceanian countries, expectations of Japan have never been higher than now. Japan should make efforts to strengthen preparedness by establishing a regional monitoring system and a cooperative system, utilizing existing frameworks such as the Tripartite Health Ministers Meeting, ASEAN+3, or the Free and Open Indo-Pacific.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
177075
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Prime Minister Abe Shinzo changed Japan’s place in international society. Now Japan matters in the world thanks to him. Many of the domestic structural reforms he pledged, however, are left to his successor. New Prime Minister Mr. Suga Yoshihide is now jump starting the process to put forth his own policy agendas. As he was Chief Cabinet Secretary for over seven years, he already has a strong grip on the whole government. Where he is leading Japan is now closely watched by the world.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
177076
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This essay examines the historical nature of the Novel Coronavirus as an epoch-making turning point in history. It compares and contrasts the current and a previous pandemic and the response by contemporary and earlier societies, respectively. Penned in May 2020 and published in the Japanese-language journal CHUO KORON (July 2020 special issue), this essay is perhaps the final work by renowned author, playwright, literary critic, and philosopher Yamazaki Masakazu who passed away on August 19, 2020.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
177077
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It is beyond question that one of the keys to global COVID-19 containment is the enhancement of the health and medical systems of developing countries, especially those in Africa. To that end, international cooperation is imperative. Japan, for its part, should provide highly effective support of its own to developing countries by taking advantage of its accumulated wisdom and experience in the field of international cooperation.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
177078
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Many developing countries made enormous efforts in the battle against the Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) during the early phase of the pandemic, but, as the threat of infection persists over the long term, these countries have had to face an increasingly serious situation. An examination of the United States, Europe, China, and other countries and regions shows that a crisis in global health governance has occurred. Japan has, so far, been successful in limiting the number of deaths. The organizations and human resources in developing countries that Japan has long supported are active as central hubs that are attempting to combat COVID-19. This demonstrates the effectiveness of Japan’s development cooperation, based on the principles of Human Security, which are designed to support self-reliance of developing countries. However, this support remains small scale and lacks a comprehensive strategy. Japan should demonstrate its leadership by markedly increasing its international cooperation efforts in the health sector. Japan values both freedom and democracy, cooperates with a variety of actors around the world who wish to see these Human Security principles universally implemented, and is thus able to contribute to the construction of a “new world” that protects people’s lives, livelihoods, and dignity from a wide range of threats.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
177084
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This essay summarizes the presentation delivered on January 22, 2020 at Nakasone Peace Institute in Tokyo, Japan. It discusses the reasons that reconciliation between Poland and Germany is necessary and the treaties in the early 1990s that created conditions for building trust between Poland and united Germany. The essay describes the challenges faced and the benefits gained from reconciliation and emphasizes that reconciliation is a long process that requires continuing efforts from both parties.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
177081
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Oil Embargo of 1973 began a history of close working relations between the United States and Japan in the area of energy security. The need to diversify energy resources to protect the economies of both countries over the last 50 years has taken many forms. Today, new challenges exist to find affordable, safe, secure energy supplies to meet growing concerns over climate, the security challenges posed by China, and the need to find clean energy for a world population approaching ten billion people by the end of the century. A review of past cooperation provides some perspective as to how we might find solutions for the future.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|