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| 1 |
ID:
172246
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| Summary/Abstract |
Has the establishment of the China Food and Drug Administration in 2013 and the substantial revision of the Food Safety Law in 2015 addressed earlier implementation deficits in China’s food safety policy? Through a comprehensive literature review and series of in-depth interviews with local regulatory officials in Beijing, this study observed improvements in the frontline regulatory system regarding its adherence to regulations, corruption prevention, and citizen responsiveness. However, it also found that the system’s professional capacities were found vastly insufficient for its expanded regulatory scope. Also, frequent abuses of the citizen-complaint system added significantly to the already heavy workload. While better agency collaboration was reported at the subdistrict/township level, coordination with other related functional ministries and geographical regions remained inadequate. The findings provide a needed guide for future reforms.
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| 2 |
ID:
172250
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This study deployed a systematic method to develop and validate a measurement for the identity of Hong Kong people, reflecting the emerging localistic attitude in the city. Drawing on a two-dimensional identity model, a combination of cultural and civic domains, an operationalization for Hong Kong identity was derived to differentiate between ‘HongKongese’ and others with stronger Mainland-Chinese-oriented identity. Cultural attribute, such as language and choice of technology products, is found to be of paramount importance in identity confirmation. Anti-authoritarianism and proactive political participation are the two major discriminatory features in the civic domain. Social distance from Mainland Chinese is positively associated with these key components of the scale, supporting the scale’s construct validity and confirming the nativist tendency of certain groups of Hong Kong localists.
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| 3 |
ID:
172252
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This study is based on 10 years of ethnography research in six cities in Sichuan after the Wenchuan earthquake. The author delineates local officials’ dispersed clientelist endeavours seeking stable collaboration with NGOs. In contrast to the corporatism model, in which government control of NGOs is formal and from the top down, the patron–client relationship entails considerably more subjectivity, flexibility and dispersion in the exercise of state power, which may or may not result in effective implementation of the state’s policy objectives. As local government officials increasingly deploy their informal authority in addition to their extensive institutional power, and as informal networks lubricate the policy process, state dominance over society becomes more pervasive, entrenched and fragmented.
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| 4 |
ID:
172245
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| Summary/Abstract |
The motto ‘the Party rules everything’ is now a defining characteristic of governance in Xi Jinping’s ‘New Era’. This article analyzes the changing Party-state relationship by interrogating the competition between the Chinese Communist Party’s United Front Work Department and the State Council’s Ethnic Affairs Commission from the early 2000s, focusing particularly on the changes since Xi became leader in 2012. Through discourse analysis, the article documents the gradual yet significant shift in authority from the state to the Party in the institutional structures and ideological praxis of ethnic governance. It argues that the emerging power of the United Front Work Department over ethnic theory, policy and implementation signifies an important shift in ethnic governance through the intensification of integrationist solutions to China’s age-old ‘ethnic question’.
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| 5 |
ID:
172253
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the grassroots governance in the rapid urbanization process on the rural-urban periphery of Changsha with regard to the relationship between land-lost farmers and the local government. Distinct from conventional wisdom that implies an interpretation of that relationship that is too dichotomous and static, the present study explores the relationship using the structure-agency dynamics model played out locally within a network of power-interests structure. In turn, the different strategies attached to both sides of the grassroots governance induce a contrasting power-interests structure, as displayed in three resettlement communities: fatalism and resignation, outright conflict, and resolution through local participation. It is notable that local governance emerges when farmers’ views and participation are incorporated, thus opening a public space for dialogue and farmers’ entrepreneurial activity.
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| 6 |
ID:
172247
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article compares China’s science and technology advance with the US, Japan, South Korea, the United Kingdom, Germany, and France. Using World Intellectual Property Organization and United States Patent and Trademark Office data for the number and quality of patent grants issued by foreign patent offices, several results stand out. First, within a short period, 2010–2017, China has registered a dramatic surge in granted patents, narrowing the foreign patent count gap with a number of largeOECD economies. However, quality adjustments show less impressive gains for Chinese patenting, particularly concerning semiconductors, where a large decline in quality accompanied thesurge in patenting. The article places China’s patent performance in a broader context, taking into account, the dimensions of population, geography, and time.
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| 7 |
ID:
172254
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Putting the cultural experiences of a multitude of prisoners during the Cultural Revolution in the historical context of the modern Chinese prison system and in light of the critical theories of methods of penalty and cultural production under incarceration in modern society, this article argues that the formal prison and informal cowshed during the Cultural Revolution both served as important sites for cultural production and dissemination. They also demonstrated the inmates’ perseverance, articulation and resistance. Beneath the surface of highly structured and formulaic daily routine, mechanic ritual performance and forced obeisance, the political prisoners utilized multiple available forms to negotiate with the authorities, influence each other and even their guards, and maximize the freedom of reading, communication and gaining outside information.
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| 8 |
ID:
172251
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Through the theoretical lens of the family as a breeding ground for new business, this article argues that the drastic and prolonged decline in fertility affects business creation. Since entrepreneurship is a high-risk endeavour, and during the start-up or expansion period, various kinds of resource support from family are badly needed, the small family is in an unfavourable position. By using qualitative research data obtained in Hong Kong, this article unravels the possible interplay among the factors of continuous fertility decline, shrinking family human resource support and sibling network, and ultimately diminishing entrepreneurship. It argues that if fertility keeps declining, not only could entrepreneurial activity remain low, but momentum for sustaining economic development might also become weak and feeble.
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| 9 |
ID:
172248
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the Democratic Progressive Party won the Taiwan 2016 presidential campaign, Beijing has established a dual-track policy framework featuring “selective engagement” to address thes talemate across the Taiwan Strait. The “selective engagement” policy can be characterized as a set of complementary approaches, basically a combination of containment and engagement measures. In terms of the issue areas, it is a combination of confrontational measures in security, political and diplomatic fields, with comparatively encompassing approaches on economic, social and cultural affairs. In terms of the policy counterparts, it is a combination of punitive measures against the “Taiwan independence” activists, with accommodative approaches to all the other politically non-pro-independence forces. In conclusion, this article analyzed the challenges inherent in Beijing’s current dual-track policy.
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| 10 |
ID:
172249
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Vatican–Taiwan relationship is an anomalous one, with only a marginal relationship to Cold War issues or questions of the legitimacy of the PRC as a regime. Rather, the rationale for the connection is that the Vatican has an ongoing diplomatic relationship with China, and that Taiwan is the only place in China where it is possible to maintain a nunciature (or embassy). This suits the Taiwan authorities, as the Vatican remains its only diplomatic partner in Europe and is the most important diplomatic relationship remaining to them. But it rests on premises that ceased to be valid decades ago. The likelihood is that the relationship will be severed the moment it becomes feasible for the Vatican to establish a nunciature in Beijing.
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