|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
171038
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The plight of male migrant workers in China warrants critical attention because their diminished opportunity for life success has created a public health issue. To cope with hopelessness and despair they engage in risky behaviors involving paid sex and drugs. This article extends Connell ’s notion of hegemonic masculinity, linking urban migration with a rampant ‘masculinity crisis’ engulfing these single migrant men. Interviews with 100 male migrants who admitted to regularly buying commercial sex in low-end and mid-tier bars revealed underlying cultural tensions which drive them to use paid sex and drugs to help them cope with their emasculated reality. This article facilitates understanding of China’s masculinity crisis against the backdrop of the nation’s post-socialist transition in a wider social, cultural, and historical structure.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
171036
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article sheds light on the factors shaping China’s Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) in small states through a study of Djibouti and the MSRI. It also analyses the establishment of China’s first overseas military base and thus evaluates the military-security implications of Chinese MSRI ports. Among other things, it shows that we need to conceive the locational value of MSRI participants more richly, that the existence of an authoritarian partner has advantages for China, but does not necessarily drive MSRI activities, and that small MSRI states have agency vis-à-vis China. It suggests, too, there is a template of Chinese port development and that it should not be assumed that China is intentionally wielding the ‘debt trap’ to gain equity.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
171041
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This study focuses on the following important but often overlooked variable in studies investigating China’s cadre system: the city administrative level. Using a dataset covering Chinese municipal party secretaries from 2000 to 2017, this article finds that secretaries from sub-provincial cities are more likely to be promoted than those from prefecture-level cities. This result reveals that serving as a party secretary in sub-provincial cities may be a key step towards further promotion among those who become vice ministers at a young age. In addition, economic performance has a negligible effect on sub-provincial secretaries’ better promotion prospects, highlighting the existence of heterogeneity caused by the city administrative level in the promotion tournament.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
171035
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
China’s involvement with the Gulf monarchies has been built upon an economic foundation. With the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) this has expanded, as the Gulf monarchies see cooperation with China through MSRI projects as a means of advancing economic development programs necessary to move beyond single-resource rentier economies and relationships with external powers as a means of ensuring their security in an unstable region. This has important implications for the shape of the MSRI as a whole, and how it fits together with the larger BRI. China’s BRI/MSRI success with participating states will be a matter of matching their specific domestic needs and strategic considerations with Chinese perceptions of the relative importance of those states.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
171042
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Authoritarian governments are believed to tolerate media exposure of malfeasant agents to hold them accountable. This line of argument is based on the strong assumption that erring agents will be duly disciplined once their malfeasance is known to their superiors. This study tests this assumption by examining how the Chinese government responds to exposed agents. It finds that media exposure conditionally contributes to the discipline of agents. Exposed agents may be punished when their malfeasance gains high publicity, especially when the malfeasance falls under the high-priority concerns of the government. Hence, while media exposure constitutes a form of third-party monitoring, the discipline of exposed agents is conditional.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
171039
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, exposés on the trafficking of women have caught the public’s attention in China. However, due to data scarcity, the scope and nature of such criminal activity are not well understood. The authors of this study provide a new angle in the analysis of human trafficking by digitizing and analyzing court sentencing documents on trafficking in China during 2014–2015.
Through mapping court data to geographic information and performing network analysis, the study presented a comprehensive picture of intra-provincial, inter-provincial, and international trafficking patterns. The data showed that international trafficking has become the largest category in the trafficking of women, and victims were typically young women in their 20s originating from Vietnam, Myanmar, and North Korea who were sold into central provinces. Domestically, inter-provincial trafficking outnumbers intra-provincial cases. Across provincial borders, women were trafficked from southwest to central provinces. Intra-provincial trafficking was concentrated in four provinces: Henan, Anhui, Shandong, and Hebei.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
171040
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Contrary to the current tendency to extrapolate China’s future trajectory from its current retrenchment, it is argued that China has changed substantially in the past and is likely to continue to change in the future. While change has always been strife-torn and radically contingent, it may be seen in retrospect to fit a rough pattern as occasioned by generational as well as ideological and developmental factors. Can we find clues in this pattern of change that provide some basis for speculation about China’s future? A definition of ‘generation,’ is followed by a review of the past pattern of China’s generational evolution and by a theory of generational change to account for it. The essay concludes with a discussion of China’s path-dependent cyclical future evolution.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
171043
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The author puts forth an analytical framework called party-state realism for understanding how policy makers in the People’s Republic of China approach foreign policy. It has four defining characteristics. In order of importance, they are: putting the interests of the Communist Party at the core of China’s national interest calculation; and on this basis adopting an instrumentalist approach; adopting a party-centric nationalism; and adhering to a neoclassical realist assessment of the country’s place in the international system and its relative material power in advancing national interest. In this conception, the putting of the Chinese Communist Party’s interest at the core of national interest is a constant, not a variable, factor. This does not mean the changing international context and relative national power are irrelevant, just that they take secondary importance.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
171034
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The raging debate about China’s mega Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) falls into two extreme camps, those that forecast earthshattering effects and those, focused on the MSRI’s numerous contemporary challenges, that see China’s scheme as stagnating or failing. This study plunges into the debate by conducting a macro- and micro-level analysis of the MSRI. The macro-level analysis indicates that the MSRI is not having transformative economic effects. Neither does it show that the MSRI is significantly stalling or collapsing. The microlevel analysis, which focuses on Africa and the Middle East, demonstrates that the MSRI is being embraced and realized in different degrees and highlights reasons for this variation. The article further summarizes and distills various insights flowing from the other pieces in this special issue.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
171037
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The diverse geographical areas involved in the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) possess different economic, political and social systems that create major challenges for Chinese companies. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) offers one potential risk mitigation strategy to sustain the MSRI’s expansion, and relatedly Chinese investment, in places like Africa. As the research shows, though, CSR, as embraced by Chinese firms, has been specifically adapted to fit the Chinese context. Thus, they not only face obstacles in implementing CSR, but localizing Chinese CSR. Their success in surmounting such hurdles will impact the developmental outcomes of Chinese MSRI projects and subsequently African acceptance of these projects. This article concludes CSR remains an effective mechanism for empowering positive change and improving the livelihood and security of affected stakeholders.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|