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| 1 |
ID:
177577
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article seeks to underline the ideological filiation between the principles of Russian political warfare (disinformation, aggressive propaganda, manipulation, distortion, political isolation of the target (politicide), the anti-Zionist propaganda formulated by the Soviet Union and the BDS argument, conceived as a node around which anti-Israeli organisations and structure gravitate. To determine this filiation this article examines step by step; the principles of Russian political warfare; the development of that doctrine as expressed in the anti-Zionist propaganda formulated by the Soviet Union between 1897 and 1991 and finally the modalities of the application of the Russian political warfare in the BDS argument. The findings reveal a twin phenomenon of appropriation; first an appropriation of Russian political warfare as a strategy to delegitimise Israel and second, an appropriation of the arguments produced by the anti-Zionist propaganda formulated by the Soviet Union.
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| 2 |
ID:
177571
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| Summary/Abstract |
UN General Assembly (UNGA) voting is non-binding, unlike voting in the Security Council (UNSC), yet is considered to reflect states’ interests. This article attempts to explore, compare, and explain patterns in UNGA voting of two regional organisations (ROs) on Israel-related resolutions, and/or issues that are of importance to Israel. Israel has been a unique case when it comes to the UN, which has shown pervasive hostility towards the Jewish state over the past decades (e.g. 83 of the 97 UNGA resolutions criticising countries in 2012–15 [or 86%] were directed against Israel). While most researchers agree that ROs differ in the level of their group vote uniformity, this article argues that states’ voting on resolutions related to Israel also varies within ROs and over time. As such, it sheds light on internal changes within the examined ROs (the Arab League and the EU) and shows important differences among members of these organisations.
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| 3 |
ID:
177574
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the coalescence of the main anti-Zionist ideologies: Left, Jewish, Christian, Arab/Muslim and Conspiracy anti-Zionism. After a definition of anti-Zionism, its relationship to antisemitism and an overview of the historical origin of the coalescence drive, the article shows the extent of the synergy between representatives of the main anti-Zionist ideologies. It concludes that the accusation of a global conspiracy ascribed by antisemites to Zionism and Judaism can be turned on its head: it is in fact a feature of anti-Zionist ideologies that are otherwise in existential struggle with each other.
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| 4 |
ID:
177575
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, a Palestinian-led anti-Israel international campaign, seems necessary to many ‘progressive’ activists, especially from the radical left. However, it promotes antisemitism through boycotting; legitimisation of terrorism through whitewashing; the destruction of Israel via support for the Palestinian ‘right of return’; and acceptance of antisemitic anti-Zionism by associating Jews, all Jews, with Israel.
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| 5 |
ID:
177576
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| Summary/Abstract |
As East-West Asia relations expand and diversify, cross-regional non-state relations develop as well. Surprisingly though, this development has so far been largely overlooked. Attempting to fill this void, this article focuses on the involvement of Japan’s and South Korea’s civil societies in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. More specifically, it argues that the intensification of cross-regional connections between East Asia and the Middle East generates involvement of the civil society in this conflict, whose specific shape is influenced by the attributes of each state. To test this supposition, the article comparatively examines the civilian protests in Japan and South Korea against Israel and their impact. The article’s contribution is fourfold: it examines the important yet inadequately studied growing civil society participation in East-West Asia relations; it indicates the relatively new interaction between state and non-state actors in East Asia concerning the Middle East; it explores for the first time protest movements against Israel in East Asia; and it enriches existing knowledge about civil society participation in South Korea’s and Japan’s foreign relations with an intriguing yet so far overlooked case.
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| 6 |
ID:
177566
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| Summary/Abstract |
The purpose of this article is to show that most problems that Israel has faced in the public opinion domain in recent decades were evident already in the wake of the Six Day War. Israel either ignored or miscomprehended their significance. While it has become a struggle over the consciousness of the world in general, and the younger generations in Israel and abroad in particular, Israel treated it as a problem of internal and external ‘Hasbara’ (explaining) and has been unprepared and ill equipped to cope with it.
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| 7 |
ID:
177568
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| Summary/Abstract |
The influence of Human Rights Watch (HRW) is reflected in the organisation’s intense involvement in institutions that emphasise human rights, including the United Nations and the International Criminal Court. However, HRW and its leaders have been strongly criticised for intense political and ideological bias against Israel and for proliferating unsubstantiated accusations to fit this bias. This article documents the role of Kenneth Roth, Executive Director since 1993, in this politicisation. Roth’s direct involvement with Israel-focused activities is fundamentally different from his role on other topics and countries on HRW’s agenda, and contrasts strongly with norms of universality and political neutrality.
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| 8 |
ID:
177572
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| Summary/Abstract |
The International Criminal Court has been recently called upon by the Court’s Prosecutor to decide a highly unusual application, to approve its jurisdiction over the State of Israel which has not acceded to its Statute. The Prosecutor asks the Court to apply to Israel a special legal standard, openly discriminating it in comparison with other states. The Prosecutor’s submission consciously deviates from established theories on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in favour of unfounded contentions which were discussed and rejected by mainstream scholarship, supporting her tautological arguments with references to vague, unauthoritative sources. This article demonstrates that the accumulative weight of all these factors points to the conclusion that the Prosecutor’s submission constitutes in fact a sophisticated action in the service of Palestinian Lawfare against Israel rather than a bona fide legal motion. The consequences of this project, should it be endorsed by the Court, might prove devastative to international law and the present world order.
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| 9 |
ID:
177569
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| Summary/Abstract |
Contemporary Jewry is burdened by a fierce debate about Zionism and Israel. A sizeable sector of Jewish academics, where leftists and self-declared liberals are strongly represented, criticises the Jewish state to the point of casting doubts regarding its very existence. Although their argumentation is frequently similar to the utterances of non-Jewish antisemites, what moves these Jewish Israel-critics is not so much Jews and Judaism but rather the Zionist idea. Such anti-Israel Jews are influenced by modern ideological trends and pressures that affect also, strangely enough, certain Israeli Jewish intellectuals. These developments happen on the background of an increasing pattern of Jew-hatred in non-Jewish society, a transformation of past antisemitism now expressed as anti-Israelism.
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| 10 |
ID:
177573
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This article explores the evolution of Bedouin international advocacy and discourse within UN human rights bodies, starting with the first in 1998 to present. It demonstrates that during the last two decades, Bedouin international advocacy in UN bodies was carried out by various NGOs with differing agendas. The discourse on Bedouin issues was co-opted by national and foreign NGOs, some of which possessed clear anti-Israeli views. Parallel to the increasing volume of Bedouin international involvement, their issues became an asset in the overall efforts to de-legitimise Israel. The Bedouin’s harsh living conditions and ongoing land conflict with the state assisted in portraying Israel as an apartheid state.
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| 11 |
ID:
177570
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article scrutinises the Palestinian ‘smart power’ strategy of demonising Israel and diminishing its ability to defend itself against violence. The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) offered the best vehicles to execute this strategy. The article critically examines three Committees of Inquiry (COI) the UNHRC established to investigate alleged Israeli war crimes during confrontations with Hamas in Gaza. It demonstrates that the COIs biased mandates, selection of chairs and members, investigative methods, selection of evidence, and final reports were all deliberately designed to find Israel guilty of war crimes at the UNHRC and the ICC.
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| 12 |
ID:
177567
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| Summary/Abstract |
The academic boycott of Israel, ostensibly targeting Israeli academe, is actually meant to isolate and stigmatise Jewish academics in America. It serves the aim of pushing Jewish academics out of shrinking disciplines, where Jews are believed to be ‘over-represented.’ That is how diehard supporters of the Palestinians find academic allies who have no professional interest in Palestine, in fields like American studies or English literature.
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