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| 1 |
ID:
168846
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| 2 |
ID:
168844
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article demonstrates how current Israeli return policy is becoming increasingly exclusive in the face of the emergence of convert communities in developing countries. While retaining the traditional objective to secure Jewish dominancy, the return policy actively favors Western and Orthodox ethnoreligious affiliation. Critical policy analysis illustrates how the policy is currently implemented not only to limit and regulate the potential mass immigration of new converts from emerging Jewish communities in Latin America, but also to ensure their Orthodox affiliation.
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| 3 |
ID:
168845
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Rwenzururu Movement realized that the Bakonzo and Bamba suffered discrimination in Toro because the law did not define them as “native tribes” of Toro, it demanded that the law should be amended to redefine the category “native of Toro” from one ethnic group—Batoro—to three—Batoro, Bakonzo, and Bamba. By calling for the reconstitution of “native of Toro” to recognize three ethnic groups instead of questioning ethnicity itself as the basis for inclusion, the Rwenzururu sought to reproduce the politicization of ethnicity that had led to ethnic discrimination in the first place. Showing that this response was a replica of the “tribalism” of the colonial-created Toro Native Authority, I examine how the colonial state and resistance movements like the Rwenzururu reinforced each other in sustaining ethnicity as a divisive political identity. Instead of analyzing the initiative of African “indigenous intellectuals” in isolation from the colonial state, as recent studies seem to have done, I bring the two actors together and show the meeting point of the different processes of the tribalization of African societies.
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| 4 |
ID:
168842
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article quantitatively investigates racial “othering” in Thailand by using available World Values Survey proxies. We review racial “othering” in Thailand through inter-group threat theory. We investigate the proportion of Thais who are racially and/or ethnically prejudiced, the number of Thais who are racially and/or ethnically prejudiced compared with other countries’ citizens, whether Thais have become more racially and/or ethnically prejudiced from 2007 to 2013, the extent to which Thais are religiously discriminatory compared with other countries’ citizens, and whether Thais became more religiously discriminatory from 2007 to 2013. We find relatively high levels of racial prejudice by Thais.
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| 5 |
ID:
168843
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| Summary/Abstract |
Where do multi-ethnic parties fit in ethnically polarized multi-party systems? Can they effectively represent non-ethnicized communities in contexts that are deeply fragmented along ethnonational lines? How might they do so? This article analyzes the extent to which political parties attempting to build cross-ethnic support may succeed in representing non-ethnic communities. It does so by focusing on the ethnopolitical realities of two deeply divided societies, Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. The article first explores the two countries’ institutional and political functioning; it then assesses the many obstacles facing multi-ethnic parties as they attempt to cultivate cross-ethnic support. The findings demonstrate that, in addition to the “ethnicized” nature of political institutions, another major obstacle in representing citizens beyond the ethnic divide is the consolidation of ethno-clientelistic alliances, which prop up ethnicized masses’ economic protection.
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