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| 1 |
ID:
178443
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| Summary/Abstract |
While high technology, a skilled workforce and system-wide social networks are widely accepted as important bases for successful industrial districts including the Third Italy and Silicon Valley, this article reveals a miraculous Chinese industrial district that is founded on low technology, non-skilled workers and fragmented social networks. The success of Baigou industrial district has been achieved through a special type of flexibility rooted in rural familial household production. Baigou's merchant culture, unconstrained expansion and contraction of household factories, and the smooth interchangeability in different niche markets have contributed to the distinctive flexibility and prosperity of its Industrial District.
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| 2 |
ID:
178444
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2016, Chinese legislators introduced the first statute dedicated to the Chinese non-profit sector—the Charity Law of the People's Republic of China. This article concentrates on the relationship between the Chinese non-profit sector and the state. By analysing the statute and the newly drafted regulations that will implement it, this article finds evidence that the statute itself clearly intends to lessen state control over non-profits. However, the wording of the draft regulations and their subsequent legal implementation suggest a degree of inconsistency. Therefore, the author argues that the post-2016 legal system tends to follow the graduated control model as the legal reforms are not comprehensive enough to transform the state–non-profit relationship into a civil society model, at least in the short term. In the future, it is strongly recommended that the Charity Law adopts new approaches that accommodate both the graduated control model and the civil society model for actual implementation in Chinese non-profit organisations.
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| 3 |
ID:
178440
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The Middle East is becoming a hotspot for thousands of Chinese businesses with hundreds of thousands of Chinese nationals working and living throughout the region, as well as several million Chinese tourists. Traditionally, China's policies towards the Middle East were based on the principle of non-interference. In face of the increasing number and frequency of acts of violence against Chinese nationals and assets in the region, this study examines whether China's strategy to maintain its non-interference policy can meet the challenge of protecting the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the Middle East. The main argument is that China's approach to maintaining its non-interference policy is part of a carefully devised strategy that suits the country's doctrine. China's leadership favours a global proactive diplomatic approach which includes five diplomatic and military measures identified in this article: non-combatant evacuation operations and peacekeeping operations; construction of infrastructure and logistical capacities; legal framework and security cooperation; mediation and conflict management; and consular protection. This proactive diplomatic approach is also suitable to meet the challenge of the safety and rights of Chinese tourists in the region.
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| 4 |
ID:
178439
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on empirical evidence from a survey of a group of Chinese youth, this article describes the distribution of individual ideological positions, charts friendships graphically in the real world and cyberspace, examines the influence of individual ideological positions on social interactions by using exponential random graph models, and further analyses the ideological characteristics of social interaction networks using a non-parametric test of network centrality. The findings have shown that the overall ideological positions of survey respondents are inclined towards the left; in cyberspace, two individuals holding the same ideological position are more likely to become friends, while in reality, the effect of ideological position on individuals' social interactions is not significant. The results can be explained by the "spiral of silence" theory. In reality, under the pressure of ideology education enforced by the governments and their policies, individuals deliberately shy away from discussing and sharing ideological perspectives to avoid creating tension or conflict in relationships with close friends, while in cyberspace, with a relatively higher level of freedom of speech, individuals are able to create and transmit information in order to seek a certain degree of influence and discursive power. Therefore, they are more willing to socialise with people holding similar ideological positions.
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| 5 |
ID:
178445
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the dynamic interactions between the people of the plains and the people in the highlands as they respond to dramatic economic transformations in Menghai county in Yunnan's southern Xishuangbanna prefecture. In particular, it focuses on the encounters between Han tea merchants, Dai intermediaries and upland ethnic minorities by examining the Pu'er tea trade. The structural relationship between the non-local Han, and the local highland dwellers and lowland Dai changes as the brisk tea market climbs into the mountains. The author argues that the commercial interactions among the three groups are complex, hierarchical and dynamic. Their encounters with the modern tea market have reshaped internal and external ethnic relations in Menghai, Xishuangbanna. Simultaneously, there is an increasing sense of pride in their mountainous homeland among the highland ethnic minorities.
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| 6 |
ID:
178447
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Both Hong Kong and mainland China are affected by illegal electronic waste disposal and transfers, which negatively impact ecosystems and human health. The Chinese government has signed the Basel Convention, while Hong Kong has not enforced the Chinese policies but implements separate control policies under the "one country, two systems" framework. As seen in other transboundary environmental collaborations, both the Hong Kong and Chinese governments have made collaborative efforts to tackle electronic waste movement, but institutional constraints have hindered the effectiveness of cross-border environmental collaboration. This study aims to understand interagency relationships between Hong Kong and mainland China since the sovereignty resumption in 1997, and examines the interagency collaboration of two different political systems within China, from a meso-level perspective. The authors raise the following questions: How have the Hong Kong and the Chinese governments managed electronic waste in addressing cross-border environmental problems? How have institutional constraints hindered the tackling of cross-border electronic waste movement? What are the lessons learnt from cross-border air and water quality management for electronic waste control? Built on the concept of interagency collaboration, a framework for assessing cross-border interagency collaboration is proposed for an enhanced understanding of the interagency relationships between two different political systems within a country.
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| 7 |
ID:
178441
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's e-commerce boom has attracted global attention. Existing literature has attributed this development to state initiatives. By examining the interactions between the rising grassroots e-commerce sector and the Chinese state apparatus from the perspective of e-traders in the city of Yiwu, Zhejiang province, this study finds that the Chinese state at different levels has indeed made tremendous efforts to foster the e-commerce industry as a new economic growth engine. However, due to their high ambitions for and anticipation of quick success, coupled with local officials' bureaucratic management of development projects, their endeavours have largely failed to satisfy the needs of grassroots e-traders. Left to fend for themselves, the e-traders regard themselves as self-reliant entrepreneurs who had laid the cornerstone of Yiwu's local e-commerce economy. By taking advantage of the less-regulated business environment given the central state's tolerance and the local state's ignorance, e-traders venture into the uncertain yet profitable e-commerce market. Their entrepreneurial experiences not only lead to their full embrace of the market, but also shape their indifference or resistant attitude towards state intervention in the economy.
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| 8 |
ID:
178446
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| Summary/Abstract |
From a survey of public participation in a sharing economy, the authors extracted from the factor analysis on a questionnaire three factors: particularised trust, generalised trust and institutional trust. The authors also classified three categories of sharing economy and utilised a structural equation model to study the impact of trust on public participation in the different types. The general observation made is that trust helps to increase public desire to participate in a sharing economy. Compared with participants in a narrow sharing economy, particularised trust and generalised trust increased the public desire to participate in a generalised sharing economy. In contrast to participating in the low trust-based demand-side (LTBD) sharing economy, particularised trust and generalised trust promote greater public participation in the high trust-based demand-side (HTBD) sharing economy. It is also noteworthy that institutional trust has a positive impact on a low trust-based demand-side sharing economy. Based on the findings, two policy recommendations are offered.
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| 9 |
ID:
178438
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| Summary/Abstract |
Beijing adopts a functionalist approach to its integration of Hong Kong and Macao into China, in the hope that economic cooperation will both nurture the spirit of patriotism in the two Special Administrative Regions (SARs), and facilitate the ultimate institutional integration. Many analysts and pundits believe that this strategy has encountered bottom-up resistance in Hong Kong but should work better in Macao considering Macao's pro-Beijing stance. However, this article finds that Beijing's territorial rescaling strategies have de facto encouraged Macao elites to utilise their economic and political privileges, and exploit the border differentials as economic opportunities, thereby causing uneven development across borders and reinforcing rather than removing border separations.
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| 10 |
ID:
178449
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political development in Hong Kong after 1997 displays certain similarities to that in Taiwan. This article uses the term "Taiwanisation of Hong Kong politics" to generalise this trend. A closer look at Hong Kong and Taiwan politics reveals that the essence of this "convergence" is the emergence of "exogenic infighting" that comprises two dimensions, political antagonism and ethno-nationalism. Indeed, "exogenic infighting" politics could be explicated largely by China's triadic leverage. By "localising" this leverage, the centrifugal forces in Hong Kong's constitutional design of autonomy activate two mechanisms, namely intensifying polarisation and mutual shaping, which eventually shape the political trajectories of Hong Kong.
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