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| 1 |
ID:
189228
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the Chinese state ramps up its efforts in international narrative competitions, Chinese media master new genres and test different visual languages on global social media platforms. The diverse content they produce provides a new source of information about China’s self-representations intended for foreigners and thus provides a condensed answer to one of the key questions of China’s foreign policy: Who is China? It also responds to the question that many observers outside of China pose: What does China’s rise mean for the rest of the world? To explain how Chinese state media use new mediums to (re)imagine China and narrate its relations with the world, this study focuses on the entertainment visual content they posted on YouTube between 2013 and 2019 to introduce and endorse Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road initiative (BRI). Using a critical discursive methodology, it decodes text-visual frames created by Chinese media to bring to the fore components of BRI’s discursive politics that are imperceptible in formal diplomatic communications.
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| 2 |
ID:
179370
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article presents a study of the discursive politics of the COVID-19 outbreak in the United States and Russia from its early onset to 30 April 2020. We examine how official securitisation discourses in the two countries draw on gendered constructions of national identity and discuss what linkages and potential implications they have for the state, its policy, and its society. Our analysis shows that both the US President Donald Trump and Russia's President Vladimir Putin instrumentalise hierarchical gendered identities to securitise COVID-19. They mobilise gendered narratives, imageries, and practices to affirm particular understandings of the threat and create a homogeneous national ‘we’, portraying themselves as its guardians.
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| 3 |
ID:
186035
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article explores Russia's ‘turn to the East’ and examines different and often conflicting visions of development that emerged in the process of reconstructing the Russian Far Eastern development strategy at regional and federal levels. It draws on a ‘thick’ case study of the special investment regime, Free Port Vladivostok, which exemplifies simultaneously a new approach to regional development and the contradictions spawned by it. Analysis of Free Port Vladivostok represents an entry point into a discussion of Russian neoliberalisation and ‘actually (non-)existent neoliberalism’.
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