|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
178396
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Since the mid 1990s, growing attention has been given in the scholarly debate and in the public sphere to forgiveness, restorative justice and reconciliation in peacebuilding. These concepts have been reflected upon and highlighted as core components of restoring right relationships and in sustainable peacebuilding: at first focusing mainly on individuals and relations between them and later as well on relations of communities and states in the public sphere. Attempts to better understand forgiveness and reconciliation in relation to peacebuilding have to address also the critical issue of how to safeguard and integrate processes of justice into peace processes. After first clarifying the distinction between retributive and restorative justice, this article considers core findings of Daniel Philpott, John Paul Lederach and Leonel Narvaez in their peacebuilding studies and considers selected, contemporary reconciliation and peace initiatives. The article argues that forgiveness, restorative justice and reconciliation processes should be further mainstreamed and integrated as part of any standard response to major conflicts and wars by national political bodies, religious communities and religious/secular NGOs, international organisations, agencies and institutions: in order to positively and sustainably resolve and transform conflicts, wars and violence between groups, and to build sustainable peace.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
178404
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The introduction of The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) by Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has sparked a collective resistance that has not been witnessed since the fight for Indian Independence. Although Modi is living up to the promises he made in his manifesto(s), and some BJP supporters believe the act ‘fulfils the aspiration of Mahatma Gandhi’, this article considers how his government are using the CAA and NRC as weapons to rid India of its Muslim ‘foreigners’ and this has caused significant communal tensions and rising levels of violence, particularly in the capital (New Delhi). In today’s society issues of racism, discrimination, Islamophobia and even dehumanisation should be horrors of the past, yet they are beginning to take centre stage in a future dominated by Hindu nationalism. This article seeks to explore some of the consequences of this decision, and what the future holds for the Indian Northeast.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
178400
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Focusing on post-Cold War international interventions, this article traces the emergence of a malaise within the liberal universal project. While it is agreed that the liberal peace is in crisis, there is disagreement on the nature of the impasse. For mainstream IR scholars, there is a resistance by actors in the Global South to follow the policy dictates of powerful Western governments and the international organisations they dominate. While this is certainly the case, this article argues that the crisis of the liberal peace is also rooted in the erosion of liberal universal foundations. In addition to liberal norms being rejected by Southern actors, the liberal peace crisis reflects a deeper scepticism on the part of international policy elites regarding the ability of liberal market democracy to resolve a wide range of social, political and economic problems. In addition to being a crisis of legitimacy between the Global North and the Global South, there seems to exist an erosion of liberal universal foundations which is undermining the ability of international policy elites to act purposively in global affairs. This argument is drawn out with reference to post-liberal approaches to peacebuilding which foreground the radical potential of non-liberal forms of agency.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
178403
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The study of small state perceptions of international order has been much neglected. Small state leaders are intellectual heavyweights in a disproportionate relationship to their respective sovereign territorial domains. To navigate the treacherous currents of international order, they rely on their own synthesised views of manoeuvrable spaces amongst great powers. Simultaneously, they are also reflective of the limits of global institutional governance. Moreover, small state leaders frequently weigh international order in moral terms. The intellectual propaganda of charismatic and authoritative foreign policy leaders from then-Czechoslovakia, Ghana and Singapore will be read to illustrate these insights. The conclusion will suggest that small state theorising can enrich mainstream IR theory as a result of these perspectives from small state actorness.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
178399
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey’s contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey’s Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil–military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
178398
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In Kashmir, the worst fallout from the current state of India and Pakistan’s confrontations at the Line of Control (LoC) is the total disregard for the 2003 ceasefire agreement. While political parties, governments and armed forces on both sides of the conflict are key actors in the current dynamics, also stationed on the LoC are military observers as part of the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), first instituted in 1949. While India is opposed to the presence of the UN military observers, little is known about the perceptions of the group’s role and its potential capacity to play a constructive role in keeping peace along the border. This research project is an endeavour to gain this understanding based on the views of selected elites and opinion makers in India and Pakistan. The data points to challenges to UNMOGIP’s mandate following the Simla Agreement of 1972 and the change in the status of the ceasefire line to the LoC. Compounded further by the severity of the conflict between India and Pakistan, New Delhi’s opposition to UNMOGIP’s mandate further weakened its operational capacity to effectively monitor and report ceasefire violations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|