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| 1 |
ID:
096042
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent discussions in South Africa about the role of the so-called patriotic bourgeoisie highlight the much debated question of what role elite Africans can and ought to play in the upliftment of the poor. Those supporting the notion of a patriotic bourgeoisie believe that national or racial solidarity is sufficient to allow privileged Africans to act in the interests of their poorer fellow citizens. However, a reconsideration of an older discussion of African elitehood, that of Amilcar Cabral, suggests that something more may be needed before elites can act in the interests of the poor. Cabral argues that elites need to renounce their privilege and to live and struggle alongside the poor if pro-poor societal transformation is to be achieved. While Cabral may be right that shared racial or national identity is insufficient for elite solidarity with the poor, he does not consider all the complexities that arise when elites actually try to work with and for the poor. A consideration of the experiences of a long-standing Senegalese NGO reveal some of these complexities and suggest that any attempt by African elites to engage meaningfully in the upliftment of the poor, will inevitably involve continuous and difficult negotiation between paternalism and naïve egalitarianism.
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| 2 |
ID:
153010
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Ferghana valley which is an ethnically and culturally complex region divided among three Central Asian Republics of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, witnessed a number of problems ranging from inter- ethnic tensions to border incursions; from security related complications to a number of socio- economic difficulties in the recent years. Moreover, it is also the most densely populated areas in Central Asia. Though sometimes the threat of religious extremism and intolerance in the Ferghana valley has been exaggerated yet it is difficult to completely deny their presence in the region and the obvious threat it has been posing for the entire Central Asia in future. The artificial delineation of border in the Ferghana valley which was finalized during the soviet era can be considered as one of the principle reasons behind the occurrences of various conflicts in the valley especially after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Similarly, economy also plays a pivotal role in accentuating the conflict in the region as it is found that the root cause of majority of the conflicts prevalent in the region are regarding the domination of a particular ethnic group on the economic resources of that very area. However, the rivalry between the elites of the three republics and their struggle for power also play a prominent role in the disturbances that has been taking place in Ferghana valley as the elites of the valley do not want to lose their predominant position in the newly formed political establishments of their respective republics.
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| 3 |
ID:
174440
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| 4 |
ID:
188402
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through the lens of an elite boarding school, this paper seeks to explore afresh the education–development nexus in Nepal. Moving beyond post-modern critiques of the development–schooling nexus, the paper draws on a historical understanding of development and concomitant notions of progress as emerging from earlier contacts between Nepali elites and the West. Combining this historical perspective with six months of ethnographic research at an elite boarding school in Nepal, the paper argues that the concept of development refers to the education of the individual through an emphasis on consciousness, self-discipline and character-building. This personalisation of bika¯
s operates as a holistic pedagogy that facilitates students’ embodiment of the national project through moral, physical and psychological progress.
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| 5 |
ID:
104110
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In several respects, the European Union (EU) represents both a novel system of quasi-supranational governance and a novel form of political community or polity. But it is also a relatively fragile construction: it remains a community still in the making with an incipient sense of identity, within which powerful forces are at work. This article has three main aims. Firstly, to analyse the reasons and key ideas that prompted a selected elite to construct a set of institutions and treaties destined to unite European nations in such a way that the mere idea of a 'civil war' among them would become impossible. Secondly, to examine the specific top-down processes that led to the emergence of a united Europe and the subsequent emergence of the EU, thus emphasising the constant distance between the elites and the masses in the development of the European project. Finally, to explain why the EU has generated what I call a 'non-emotional' identity, radically different from the emotionally charged and still prevailing national identities present in its member states.
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| 6 |
ID:
027420
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| Publication |
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1970.
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| Description |
ix, 317p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010597 | 320.941/LIE 010597 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
115337
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The transition in Afghanistan is manifestly beset by multiple challenges, yet behind obvious issues such as insecurity and corruption lie a range of deeper problems related to the way in which the Afghan political system has developed. Trust deficits, real conflicts of interest, and parallel and potentially conflicting systems of authority, have affected both the mass population-many of whom feel disconnected and disenfranchised-and political elites, which remain severely divided. The combination of a presidential system with a highly centralized formal state structure had fostered patrimonialism at the expense of institutional development. Unless and until these problems are addressed, the likelihood that any Afghan government will be able to take the lead in confronting the country's problems remains low.
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| 8 |
ID:
161056
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n this article the author probes into how the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and its political regime managed to survive in defiance of internal economic problems and external political, economic and military pressures it experienced since 1991. Comparison of the available statistics illustrating North Korea’s economic and internal political situation, as well as pressure methods and tactics used on a smaller scale against a far stronger country, the Soviet Union, during the Cold War, allows for taking a fresh look at the effectiveness of foreign policy instruments the United States created during its confrontation with the Soviet Union. Consolidation of the country’s ruling elite amid foreign pressures and exposure to external threats are identified as factors that play the decisive role in determining the outcome of the standoff. The effectiveness of pressure strategies apparently depends on this factor
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| 9 |
ID:
137541
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In 2007 China passed the United States to become the greatest emitter of carbon dioxide (CO2). In the same year a report was published by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Following this report, the Chinese media began to make a link between human activity and climate change. To analyse the climate discourse that has emerged since the publication of the report, this article draws on the argument of Guobin Yang and Craig Calhoun that China has a green public sphere. In China amid the messages to consume more are messages broadcast for the masses by the Chinese state and foreign non-governmental organizations (NGOs) advocating ‘green’ and ‘low-carbon’ lifestyles with little mention of climate change or questioning of existing policies. Smaller spaces or publics exist and are primarily occupied by governmental and non-governmental elites that debate and discuss climate change in serious and playful manners. Yet it is in spaces that are not public where policies are being crafted which influence the emissions of greenhouse gases in China, while citizens focus on their economic livelihood.
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| 10 |
ID:
193140
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Political elites have a tremendous influence on past, present and future socioeconomic and political developments in both western and non-western countries. Unsurprisingly, the analysis of China’s elites has been crucial in the study of politics there. A large body of literature has examined the members of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, a stronghold of the nation’s political elites. Given the growing interest and research on elite politics in the PRC in recent years, this paper reviews studies of the pathways to political power and the personal qualifications of the members of the Central Committee that are central to studies of elite Chinese politics. This review paper is organized both chronologically and thematically. It shows a shift away from the study of demographics of Central Committee members toward theorizing of how recruitment into the Central Committee works. Some scholars have theorized succession politics in China as the rise of technocracy, while others have used institutionalization and factional politics to explain how China’s leaders are selected. This paper summarizes and identifies several theoretical and methodological issues in existing studies as an effort to advance research on succession politics and political evolution in China.
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| 11 |
ID:
190758
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To what extent are legislators, responsible for the implementation of many peace agreements, responsive to citizens’ preferences? Examining the 2016 Colombian peace agreement, we embed an experiment in the 2019 wave of a survey of all the members of Congress. We inform legislators about the attitudes of the general population and residents of conflict-affected regions on a provision included in the peace agreement: the creation of 16 special seats in the House of Representatives reserved for conflict areas. We find that legislators underestimate citizen support for this policy, and the magnitude of their misconception is correlated with the positions of their parties on the issue. Moreover, we find that providing information about citizens’ support for the policy does not affect legislator support for the provision.
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| 12 |
ID:
137178
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This article is an exploration of the interconnected legal ties between Christians and Zoroastrians in the early Islamic era. Drawing from the writings of the Christian authors Ishobokt, Simeon, and Henanisho, Payne describes how East Syrian bishops appropriated laws of marriage, inheritance, and property from Iranian jurisprudential traditions as a means of transferring wealth intergenerationally and extending their judicial authority. Payne thus explores the ways in which the Christians of Iran were influenced by the Iranian legal system and culture and in the seventh century CE.
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| 13 |
ID:
189508
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Despite fruitful findings on the reasons underlying the desire for educational success and scarce credentials among students and families, there is little research on the meaning of educational success in the marketplace. As higher education in China has expanded to aid better-quality growth and the transition to a knowledge-based economy, educational success has become increasingly critical in the allocation of socioeconomic rewards. As such, insights into how educational success and concomitant credentials are valorized are empirically and theoretically significant. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 73 recruiters for elite professional service firms, this study analyses the meanings underlying the process of valorizing educational success and elite credentials. It shows that success in the gaokao, or entry to higher education, was qualitatively salient in excluding candidates, while information about subject domains and marks/class rank carried relatively less weight. Recruiters based the value of educational success on the notion of “learning ability,” which reflected their shared understandings about Chinese educational selection/institutions and wider conditions of elite professional firms. On this basis, this paper argues for the development of learning capital as a new theoretical lens for approaching educational success and credentials in transitional China.
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| 14 |
ID:
089924
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper proposes an analytical framework by which to understand the origins, functioning, and dynamics of electoral authoritarianism in Malaysia. It thus explores notions of historical legacies, structural pressures, critical junctures, and institutional formation. But in guarding against teleology, it also considers elite agency and 'stunning elections'. This framework is applied in the case of Malaysia because, in anticipating contemporary trends, the country has so long perpetuated a paradigmatic electoral authoritarian regime. And yet, with many countries growing similarly authoritarian today, Malaysia has suddenly become less so, with the government having been dealt a startling setback in its latest contest, held in March 2008, thus losing its extraordinary majority in parliament and control over five states. Hence, if democratization once again gains steam round the world, Malaysia may presage this trend too, with its electoral authoritarianism, long so resilient, perhaps poised today on the edge of transition.
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| 15 |
ID:
119199
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| Publication |
2013.
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The objective of this article is to survey the abundance of primary source electronic data, and appropriate methods, which could be used to advance the study of elite politics in Taiwan. Research on public attitudes and voting behaviour has benefited enormously from open scholarly access to systematically collected, reliable data resources. Research on elite political behaviour in Taiwan could similarly benefit from the creation of supplementary datasets derived from electronic primary sources. I argue that the primary resources and methods needed are already in place, for instance, to produce quantitative estimates of the policy preferences and ideological positions of parties and individual political actors over time. A variety of political texts created by political actors at all levels of office (and indeed, in opposition) are readily accessible online. With a small degree of processing, these electronic texts can easily be rendered in machine-readable format for analysis by means of computer-assisted content analysis software. Despite successes in other contexts, these data and methods are currently underutilized in studies of elite political behaviour in Taiwan.
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| 16 |
ID:
178624
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| Summary/Abstract |
Major General Phasouk S. Rajphakd and Brigadier General Soutchay Vongsavanh were important right-wing military officers in the Royal Lao Army in southern Laos before 1975. However, elite family relations in Laos – especially between prominent families from the north and the south – greatly affected how they acted and interacted over the years. This article considers family relations in Laos during the 1960s and early 1970s. Kinship relations are certainly not determinant of all social or political interactions, as individual agency is also important, but they are often crucial nonetheless. There has been insufficient discussion about how elite family relations played out in Laos during the 1954–1975 period. To partially fill this gap, this article explores how tensions between the House of Champassak in southern Laos and the House of Luang Prabang and the powerful Sananikone family in Vientiane led to disunity amongst non-communist factions in Laos, and eventually contributed to the Pathet Lao takeover of the country in 1975.
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| 17 |
ID:
116581
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Elites have changed. They are now more open and meritocratic. They are also the engines of inequality. In this article, I argue that elites have embraced the rhetoric of the rights movements of the past decades, becoming champions of the notion that it is individual capacities that matter, not ascriptive characteristics. This stance embraces a new efficiency of our world, that of the market. The earnest deployment of these ideas by the elite has resulted in a world with less equality, less mobility and a more empowered elite. I reflect on how this came to be, and how such elite identities might be challenged in the service of the public welfare.
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| 18 |
ID:
095020
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anti-corruption efforts introduced in Ukraine in recent years have predominantly been imposed from the outside. They have been vague, all-inclusive and lacking in political and public support. What is more, they have been fairly insensitive to the cultural context into which they have been introduced. While targeting corrupt behaviour, they have largely ignored its root causes. The impact of Ukrainian anti-corruption reform has therefore been limited. Drawing on extensive qualitative data from Ukraine, this article explores elite (i) perceptions of Ukrainian anti-corruption reform, (ii) familiarity with specific anti-corruption initiatives, and (iii) views on how best to combat corruption. Not surprisingly, Ukrainian elites are familiar with, and fairly negative in their assessment of, national anti-corruption reform. They advocate a number of measures targeting corrupt behaviour as well as its root causes with a view to reducing corruption in Ukraine".
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| 19 |
ID:
107670
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2011.
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Research on class bias in military service has focused on service and death among the economically disadvantaged during the Vietnam War. This study uses the war records of elite colleges to examine elite participation in five major wars. Significant differences in elite participation across wars are found, with lower rates during the Civil, Korean, and Vietnam Wars and higher rates during the World Wars. The similarities between Korea and Vietnam indicate that political unrest related to the Vietnam War was not the sole cause of low levels of elite participation. Changes in the size and structure of the post-World War II military are hypothesized as alternative causal factors.
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| 20 |
ID:
141477
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This article presents new theoretical and empirical insights into democratization in Africa, using the typology developed by John Higley and Michael Burton to understand elite interaction in Ghana. Social network analysis (SNA) is used to test the main proposition of the Higley/Burton theory, namely that a ‘liberal democracy is impossible without a consensually united elite’. Empirical evidence is provided from a unique data set that maps the interaction patterns between Members of Parliament elected to the Ghanaian legislature in 2012. The article shows that MPs in Ghana form a dense and strongly interconnected network bridging ethnic and party cleavages, and that MPs from different parties have developed a measure of trust in one another. These findings not only support Higley and Burton's claim that elite integration is conducive to stable democracy, but also point to new directions in African Studies by demonstrating the capacity of actor-centric approaches to explain processes of democratization in countries that lack the classic structural preconditions for consolidation.
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