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| 1 |
ID:
179876
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| Summary/Abstract |
Existing literature on educational inequality in China has been preoccupied with large regional disparities. Inter-school inequalities at the local level have been, however, largely ignored. The authors present clear and strong evidence that such inequalities are also large and more entrenched than expected, despite reform efforts since 2006 to increase transfers from the central and provincial governments for schools in poorer areas. Using school-level data from a province in western China, the authors have found that immense inter-school disparities exist in per student government funding within rural counties and urban districts, and that the disparities are considerably larger in more developed counties or districts. More surprisingly, inter-school disparities increased between 2009 and 2013 in nearly every selected county and district. This study highlights the imperative to bring the issue of locally maintained educational inequality to the forefront of academic research and the policy agenda.
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| 2 |
ID:
179875
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on the monthly panel data of the Shanghai stock market from November 2012 to November 2016, this article studies the impact of the Shanghai–Hong Kong Stock Connect on the stability of stock prices in different periods and in varying degrees of market openness by using the difference-in-differences (DID) fixed effects model. The study finds that the implementation of the Shanghai–Hong Kong Stock Connect effectively reduces the volatility of underlying stocks and that the short-term increase in volatility is merely a temporary phenomenon. Under a comparatively higher degree of market openness, the Shanghai–Hong Kong Stock Connect will also have an impact on extreme volatility of underlying stocks, reducing the jump risk in stock prices and speculation on China's A-share market. However, it also increases the stock price crash risk and brings about market instability. Of particular interest, the observed increase in stock price crashes is related to firms with poor information disclosure practice.
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| 3 |
ID:
179874
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study analyses how China has engaged and aligned with a new foreign interest in renminbi internationalisation through global allocations in onshore Chinese financial assets, thereby increasing global acceptance of the renminbi as a potential investment and capital currency. The analysis has two major implications. First, the expanding offshore renminbi investment infrastructure, namely Stock Connect and Bond Connect, has enabled China to accommodate large-scale global portfolio investments in its domestic financial markets, without relinquishing its fixed exchange rate regime or having to make various concessions to align with the domestic financial market. Second, the pull effect of index inclusion attracts an expanding base of international investors to Chinese financial assets, from which the process of renminbi internationalisation has benefited. However, geopolitical tensions between China and the home states of the leading foreign portfolio investors could well disrupt the market forces supporting such coordination between China as a currency-issuing state and foreign investors as private currency users, the disturbance of which has increasingly extended to the capital markets.
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| 4 |
ID:
179878
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| Summary/Abstract |
The US–China relationship is experiencing its worst period of tension since the normalisation of relations more than 40 years ago. The world is now entering a "decade of living dangerously", in which conflict between the two great powers is no longer unthinkable. What does this growing competition mean for the rest of Asia? This article traces the reality of the regional impact of the last four years of US–China relations under the Xi Jinping and Trump administrations before looking ahead to what the next four years of a Biden administration may bring for the Indo-Pacific. It concludes with reflections on the region's independence and agency, what can be done to strengthen regional multilateralism, and the how and why of building a genuine regional security architecture.
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| 5 |
ID:
179879
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| Summary/Abstract |
The successful negotiation of the Paris Agreement, and its subsequent signing and adoption in 2016, marked a new landmark in global climate governance. However, the viability of the agreement was questioned particularly after the United States announced its withdrawal in 2017, pointing to certain institutional deficiencies in the overall agreement. The signing of the agreement would not have been possible without the initial joint commitment of both China and the United States, the world's two largest greenhouse gas emitters. Despite China's official claims of steadfast compliance with the agreement, the country's capacity to fulfil its commitment remains unclear. This study aims to first determine the constitutional deficiencies of the agreement that spurred America's withdrawal and the impacts. Second, it evaluates China's compliance capacity in the post-Paris Agreement era without America's involvement. The outcomes of this study provide some useful insights into preventing other countries from following the US example and better understanding China's position and capacity in keeping climate governance on the right track.
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| 6 |
ID:
179872
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why are some reforms successfully adopted while others are not? This article addresses the question by exploring the variation in the adoption of China's "One-Issue-One-Meeting" reform. The reform, initiated by the central government in 2000, encourages rural villages to voluntarily adopt a new governing procedure that seeks to enhance local public goods provision. Using data from the 2005 Chinese General Social Survey, the authors find that villages with a more homogenous population measured by surname fractionalisation are more likely to adopt the procedure. Applying a generalised spatial two-stage least squares estimation, the authors also found a spatial spillover effect of the reform: the likelihood of a village undertaking the reform increases when its neighbouring villages also do so, and such effect is more pronounced if the neighbouring village is economically better off. This suggests a potential learning mechanism underlying the neighbourhood spillover.
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| 7 |
ID:
179877
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| Summary/Abstract |
Yi Nao describes a type of organised disturbance in Chinese hospitals. This study seeks to examine yi nao as a locally determined, radical expression of medical grievances. It is first argued that yi nao actors (usually the relatives of patients and sometimes professional yi nao gangs) have exploited the contradictions in the hospitals' stability maintenance policies, thereby complicating the resolution of medical disputes. Second, yi nao incidents feature a "performative" quality. Lacking professional power in the Chinese context, doctors are often passive sufferers of yi nao violence. However, this study examines some outliers wherein doctors were mobilised to resist yi nao.
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| 8 |
ID:
179873
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| Summary/Abstract |
Against the background of tightening social control by the Chinese communist regime after 2012, a small-scale social movement was mobilised by the independent Jifeng Bookstore in Shanghai. Unlike the traditional means of organising resources, this mobilisation was driven by a physical space. Between 1997 and 2017, Jifeng had offered and produced advantageous spatial forms of mobilisation, including liberal idea transmission, networks, extending to cultural symbolism and the identity boundary between citizens and authority. This article explains why the movement emerged, by using the process–mechanism approach. Conversation, brokerage and boundary activation of identity are the three interacting mechanisms that developed Jifeng into a space and leader of a social movement. The movement concluded in failure, implying the political regime's success in imposing further limitations on the operation of civil society. Nevertheless, historically, it is impossible to entirely eradicate the root of civil society growth in the face of harsh repression.
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| 9 |
ID:
179871
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| Summary/Abstract |
Does economic inequality in China have political repercussions? While China scholars have approached this question in various ways, few studies have directly tested the relationship between people's perceptions of income inequality and political support in China. This article examines the direct relationship between perceptions of income inequality, especially the perception of fairness in income distribution, on the one hand, and people's subjective support for China's political regime, on the other. By drawing data from the 2016 Asian Barometer Survey, the authors employ factor analysis, multiple imputation for missing values, and ordinary least squares regression analysis to estimate the relationship between perceptions of income inequality and political support. Results have consistently shown that the perceived unfairness of income distribution overshadows the perceived level of income disparity in influencing people's regime support. Chinese respondents who think income distribution is unfair tend to show weak political support for the political regime in China. These findings suggest that even though some Chinese people may be tolerant of the widening income gap in China, the perceived unfairness in the income gap poses a potential threat to the Chinese government.
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