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| 1 |
ID:
184343
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is considered one of the most important regional organizations in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region, which effectively solves some of the crises in the sub-region and the wider Middle East. GCC has employed many diplomatic procedures to address regional crises, including mediation, negotiation, and arbitration. Undoubtedly, GCC has successfully resolved some intrastate conflicts, particularly border conflicts among its member states. However, despite these achievements, the GCC has failed to resolve several regional disputes, and the continuation of such crises threatens the region’s security and stability. This article seeks to explore why the GCC institutions are ineffective in resolving some regional crises. In doing so, it addresses the comparative study by focusing on two case studies (the Iraq–Iran War and the ongoing Yemen Crisis) and provides three main results: first, the GCC has not directly intervened as an institution to resolve certain disputes; however, some GCC members have acted on its behalf and represented it. Second, despite the GCC member states’ efforts, they are still unable to resolve and settle some disputes because they prioritize self-interest over collaboration. Third, the conflict of interest of various regional actors contributes to the lack of significant progress in resolving crises.
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| 2 |
ID:
180319
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| Summary/Abstract |
Malaysia’s military involvement in the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen Ops Yemen II (2015–2018) had been a subject of rigorous debate in the country. Those who opposed it saw the operation as a breach of Malaysia’s Non-Alignment Policy, especially when it involves military operation in a foreign country’s civil war. The main objective of this study is to critically analyze why and how the Barisan Nasional (BN)-led Malaysian government decided to send armed forces to participate in the Saudi-led military operations stationed in Riyadh. In examining this, an analysis on the role of systemic and leadership factors within the conceptual framework of the foreign policy of developing countries is used to explain the character of Malaysia’s joint military operation with Saudi Arabia in the Yemen Crisis. The method and data analysis of this article were mostly derived from written documentary analysis and discussion with related individuals. The findings indicated that both systemic political pressure and the role of leadership were constantly and constructively influenced intersubjective interactions with other domestic factors, which played a vital role in Malaysia’s decision to join the Saudi-led military operations.
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| 3 |
ID:
181312
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to analyze the relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia from 2015 when the latter refused to cooperate on the kingdom’s war in Yemen. The relationship can be understood through the dependency theory and its paradigm of aid dependence, which explain Pakistan’s external reliance on foreign nations like Saudi Arabia and China. The relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is asymmetrical, considering long-lasting religious, economic, and security ties. Pakistan’s dependence on the Saudis for repeated economic bailout packages and loans to support its finances highlights the nature of this unbalanced relationship. Furthermore, the situation in Kashmir and Saudi Arabia’s increasingly close ties with India have worsened the Saudi relations with Pakistan. Pakistan’s neighbor, India, seeks to fill this void, as it is now Saudi Arabia’s fourth largest trading partner. This article also considers the military aspect of the relationship as Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities are among the most critical factors determining its strategic relationship with Saudi Arabia. Finally, the article considers Pakistan’s mediation role in conflicts related to Saudi Arabia.
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