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| 1 |
ID:
180306
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the historical development of Uzbekistan's stance on the situation in Afghanistan, outlines its main stages, achievements and challenges, investigates the major initiatives of Tashkent on solving conflict in the neighbouring country before and after 2016, the major priorities of its contemporary foreign policy towards the Afghan conflict, and the Uzbek government's expectations from the upcoming developments in Afghanistan.
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| 2 |
ID:
180307
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This article provides an overview of the developments in the politics of Bangladesh since its independence from Pakistan 50 years ago in 1971. It focuses particularly on the struggle for independence led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, seen as the founder of the nation, the development of parties, extremism, the coups and counter-coups suffered by the country and the long-term impact these have had on the democratic process and civil society, and also the country's prospects for the future.
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| 3 |
ID:
180305
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The deadly skirmishes along the disputed border of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in late April 2021 stand out in comparison to other recent clashes between residents of this remote area. This article analyzes the 2021 border conflict. Furthermore, it stands to reason that the current political climate serves to hinder any resolution to this interstate dispute. Lastly, since skirmishes between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (both members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization) serve as a source of potential embarrassment for the Russian Federation, Moscow will seek to assert its leverage, in the hopes of avoiding future clashes and maintaining its hegemony over Central Asia.
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| 4 |
ID:
180313
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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been characterised as a large-scale initiative to boost the movement of goods and services, capital, and people from China to Southeast Asia and beyond. Transport and logistics are a key aspect of this enterprise, with many projects focussing on railways, road networks, and ports receiving priority attention. However, BRI-related initiatives are often cast in unitary terms, with agency and autonomy almost uniquely ascribed to China-based firms and funders, and very little attributed to host country agents or their interests. Since 2013, Malaysia has received substantial inflows of BRI-related funds for infrastructure, particularly railways and ports. The Kuantan Port Expansion on Peninsular Malaysia's East Coast and the Melaka Gateway on its West Coast are two port-centred development projects associated with the BRI. Begun at the same time, these initiatives are similarly structured, as joint ventures linking large China-based state-owned enterprises with local players. Despite their similarities, these two projects have followed vastly different trajectories. While the Kuantan Port Expansion is proceeding according to schedule, the Melaka Gateway lies mired in delays and controversy. Through comparing and contrasting these two projects, this article will explore how – despite China's financial and political influence – host country actors can and do oppose, subvert, and even veto infrastructure initiatives perceived as inimical to their interests.
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| 5 |
ID:
180312
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| Summary/Abstract |
Myanmar (Burma) from 2007 to 2020 observed a short-lived détente with major Western governments after decades of ostracism. Armed conflict and mass atrocities worsened despite significant democratisation. The article outlines Myanmar's short-lived democratic rule from beginning to end, before its coup d'etat in early 2021 and acceleration to state failure by the time of writing. This article assesses the strengths and limitations of Western human rights diplomacy vis-à-vis Myanmar during this 14-year frame, using in-depth interviews with former/working diplomats and experts as primary sources, in addition to secondary sources. Ostracism dominated Western bilateralism pre-2011, followed by the principled engagement of Australia, Norway and the UNSG's good offices, the latter based on Articles 98 and 99 of the UN Charter. Myanmar's military democratised with the aim of counterbalancing overdependence on China and seeking legitimacy as reformers. A reverse trend was observed after the 2016 Rohingya crisis. It demonstrates the dangers of neglecting the law of diminishing returns through advocacy, and of conflating domestic democracy and human rights advocates as principled practitioners. It concludes that it is in the pragmatic interests of Western governments to coordinate and institutionalise human rights principles in longer-term foreign policymaking, and that democratisation before peacebuilding increases state fragility.
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| 6 |
ID:
180310
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This article provides an account of the way in which the lives of women have changed and developed in the Trucial States, and later the United Arab Emirates, over the last century. It describes changes in areas including the domestic sphere, family life, religion, relationships, travel, education, and employment. The object of this article is to understand the world of the predecessors of today's Emirati women and then to trace how and why aspects of that past – or ‘traditions’ of that world – were transported to still play a role in the lives of women of the UAE today.
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| 7 |
ID:
180304
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This article provides an overview of the internal and external political and economic problems facing the Middle-Eastern Kingdom of Jordan in the light of the so-called ‘attempted coup' of Prince Hamzeh which took place at the beginning of April 2021. It then discusses a number of key factors which may affect Jordan’s future prospects.
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| 8 |
ID:
180308
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For two decades, successive US administrations have overplayed the importance of pressure tactics and Chinese support for denuclearizing North Korea. However, the continued development of North Korea's nuclear and missile programs reflects not only gridlock in US-North Korea relations, but also Pyongyang's growing suspicions over China's commitment to the Kim regime. By supporting and enforcing tougher sanctions, Beijing has only reinforced North Korean distrust and concern. At the same time, realizing that excessive pressure on a nuclear North Korea might result in a cataclysmic regional crisis, China has been careful not to push the Kim regime into a corner. Apparently, China is not as valuable an asset to the United States on North Korea, as some believe. Instead, the Biden administration should engage the Kim regime, focus on trust building, and aim for a step-by-step nuclear deal in which freezing and gradual disarmament are commensurate with sanctions relief and eventual normalization.
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| 9 |
ID:
180309
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The article takes a critical look at the current state of the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute in light of the recent escalation between China and Japan. The article's central thesis is that the practical significance of the dispute has diminished considerably due to developments in the security and economic spheres. Rather, the dispute continues to exist and escalate because of the domestic political interests of the respective governments. This recognition is important to manage the dispute effectively, to avoid hyperbolic arguments about the dispute's conflict potential, and similarly to avoid undue comparisons with the South China Sea. This article adopts a realist, rational-choice based approach to demonstrate the diminishing nature of the security and economic significance of the islands, which underpins a decreasing rationale for actively seeking an alteration of the status quo. The question of why the dispute continues to escalate is highlighted in the article's examination of how the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan and the Chinese Communist Party use the islands as a political symbol to pursue their own domestic and regional political agenda, in a way only tangentially connected to the actual dispute.
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| 10 |
ID:
180311
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article will relate a history of planned railway routes passing through Bangkok or elsewhere in Thailand in pursuit of linking the potentially vast commercial market of China with the transport hub of Singapore. Those plans historically did not come to full fruition. But the current Chinese-backed plans mean that a rail link between China and Singapore is finally likely to become a reality within the coming decade. The benefits for Thailand are contested: while there will be more passenger and freight capacity the financial cost will be high. But there will for the first time in history be a direct rail connection from China to the Malayan peninsula. Indeed in theory it will be possible to board a train in Britain and step off one in Singapore, without having used any other form of transport on the way. Chinese motivations are commercial and geopolitical, as were those of historical schemes by other countries. Unlike historical schemes, however, China looks set to make the planned southeast Asian railway network a reality.
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