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KOREAN JOURNAL OF DEFENCE ANALYSIS VOL: 30 NO 1 (8) answer(s).
 
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ID:   157760


Asia of citizens beyond Asia of states : regional community building in East Asia / Kim, Nam-Kook   Journal Article
Kim, Nam-Kook Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract Recent security challenges in East Asia have provided an opportunity to realize the need for community building as a way of detouring military deadlock. This paper suggests two principles of community building in East Asia: (1) identity balanced by interest, and (2) an Asia of citizens beyond an Asia of states. These principles can be applied to the community building sub-areas of politico–economic, security, and sociocultural cooperation. The author examines the following topics accordingly: (a) an invalid concept of the “Asian paradox” and the statement made by Japan’s prime Minister Shinzo Abe in the politico–economic area; (b) the Helsinki Accord and the EU Global strategy with their implication for East Asia in the security area; and (c) the Campus Asia program and the Asian Human Rights Court as a means to encourage sociocultural cooperation. With its complicated history of animosity and low levels of intraregional trade, fostering a shared identity and finding common interests in East Asia is no easy task. If some identities are given and others are chosen, it is important to manage the negative effects of identity and encourage the positive influence of its chosen dimensions.
Key Words Japan  East Asia  China  North Korea  South Korea  Community Building 
Common Interest  Shared Identity 
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2
ID:   157756


Changing nuclear capabilities and strategy between the United States and North Korea / Cho, Kwan Haeng   Journal Article
Cho, Kwan Haeng Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract Continuous development of North Korea’s nuclear capabilities and the accompanying concern about the possible decoupling of the alliance between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the United States have produced numerous opinions on what should be done about North Korea’s nuclear program. While there are discussions on conceptual possibilities of deterrent or compellent use of nuclear weapons by North Korea, these discussions often fall short of making specific connections between the relational nuclear capabilities between North Korea and the United States, and their nuclear strategies. Such connection is necessary in grasping a clear picture of the nuclear security environment of the Korean Peninsula, and formulating possible policy responses the ROK should adopt as a result. This article seeks to make this connection by analyzing the nuclear capabilities and strategy of North Korea and the United States. It argues that North Korea will be able to pressure alliance decoupling only if it is able to field submarine–based ballistic missiles with an inter-continental range. The ROK should seek to avoid this outcome by strengthening its own deterrence measures against North Korea, seeking assurances on the U.S. alliance commitment, and seeking measures that could reverse North Korea’s potential second–strike capability.
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3
ID:   157758


Continuity and Change in China’s Elite Politics at the 19th Party Congress: Is Xi Jinping’s “One-man Rule” Established? / Cho, Young Nam   Journal Article
Cho, Young Nam Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract This article analyzes the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) held in October 2017. It focuses on leadership changes (including power succession) and revision of the Party Constitution. It tries to answer the question of whether Xi Jinping’s “one-man rule”, instead of collective leadership, was established after the Congress. First, it looks at several norms concerning personnel selection (including the 68 age-limit regulation) that play a critical role in maintaining collective leadership. Second, it examines to which extent the 19th Party Congress upheld these norms. Third, this paper investigates the enshrining of Xi Jinping Thought in the Party Constitution and the implications with regards to the changes of elite politics. It argues that the Party Congress followed the norms relatively well, and that collective leadership still persists. In other words, Xi’s “one-man rule” is not established yet
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4
ID:   157762


India–Pakistan limited war and lopsided deterrence: a perspective / Khan, Zulfqar   Journal Article
Khan, Zulfqar Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract The paper analyzes India–Pakistan’s lopsided nuclear deterrence and military strategies. India plans to deliberately escalate a limited war against Pakistan. Pakistan is determined to neutralize India’s schema on different planes, a limited conventional, limited nuclear to strategic nuclear wars. It is destabilizing and complicating South Asia’s nuclear deterrence matrix. Pakistan’s threshold has depleted due to its “two-frontal” security dilemma. It has considerably increased Pakistan’s reliance on nuclear weapons. It is deduced that, India–Pakistan’s inflexible and egocentric cultural mooring is inhibiting them from stepping back from perilous military strategies, which can trigger miscalculations, enhance misperceptions, or may lead to the outbreak of accidental/inadvertent limited conventional or nuclear war. Both countries need to recognize the imperative of a stable nuclear deterrence and peaceful coexistence instead of crafting unpredictable and dangerous strategies. The shared risks of nuclear catastrophe should motivate them to pursue rational and realistic policies.
Key Words Nuclear  War  Security  Power  Limited War  Strategy 
India–Pakistan 
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5
ID:   157761


Russia’s view on the international security in Northeast Asia / Streltsov, Dmitry ; Dyachkov, Ilya ; Kireeva, Anna   Journal Article
STRELTSOV, Dmitry Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract The article focuses on Russia’s approach to international security in Northeast Asia. It argues that Russia’s unique position is that it is not a party of any major security– political conflict, takes a neutral position on territorial conflicts as best suiting its interests of promoting cooperation with all East Asian states and objects to the involvement of third parties. Russia is involved only in a dispute with Japan where it demonstrates a flexible position. As a comparatively weak regional player, Russia is interested in maintaining peace, stability and the status quo, in particular on the Korean Peninsula, and has no revisionist agenda in East Asia. Major elements of Russia’s approach include creating an inclusive, open, transparent and equitable regional security architecture, support for polycentric regional order with Russia as one of the major centers of power, criticism of the U.S.–sponsored MBD as well as focus on a strategic partnership with China. Intensifying its Asian pivot, Moscow is increasingly concerned with the tensions on the Korean Peninsula where it promotes denuclearization, dialogue between the two Koreas, resumption of the Six–Party Talks and opposes to the dangerous actions of all parties. Russia and China advocate a “moratorium for a moratorium” proposal as the only way to mitigate tensions and create a common security mechanism.
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6
ID:   157757


Sino–Russian defense cooperation : implications for Korea and the United States / Weitz, Richard   Journal Article
Weitz, Richard Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract The strengthening Sino–Russian defense partnership has complicated ROK–U.S. military planning regarding North Korea, diverted U.S. and Japanese resources from concentrating against North Korea, and worsened the regional security environment by stimulating local arms races. Beijing and Moscow’s vigorous opposition to the deployment of advanced U.S. missile defenses in South Korea has illuminated their perception of increased ROK–U.S. military ties as a potential threat. Further, China and Russia’s military activities around the Korean Peninsula increase the risk of inadvertent encounters with other navies. South Korea, Japan, and the United States need to consider how China and Russia will react in such cases. Additionally, because the expanding Sino–Russian defense cooperation and technology sharing complicates assessments of military developments and security trends in Asia, it is imperative to hold expanded ROK–U.S. consultations, about Sino–Russian defense interactions, ideally with the inclusion of Japan.
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7
ID:   157759


Trump by Nixon : Maverick Presidents in the Years of U.S. Relative Decline / Cha, Taesuh ; Seo, Jungkun   Journal Article
Cha, Taesuh Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract Does President Donald J. Trump have a coherent statecraft? Can we find a consistent grand strategy in this new administration, worth calling the “Trump Doctrine”? Mainly supported by angry Jacksonian folks who have been frustrated with economic polarization and racial anxiety, Trump’s foreign policy idea resonates well with European realism. Considering the fact that realist theory has been confined to the margins of public discourse in post–Cold War America, this unexpected return of the realist doctrine on the U.S. political scene needs to be explained. Why are we suddenly approaching realism’s moment in foreign policy? What makes prominent realists express their best wishes to President Trump? In this article, we focus on the historical parallel between two maverick presidents in modern U.S. history, Richard Nixon and Donald Trump. In particular, it is argued that the realities of the United States’ relative decline induced the Nixon and Trump administrations to embark on an unconventional course of realpolitik in world politics. The U.S. leadership in the early 1970s strived to adjust to a condition in which U.S. dominance was no longer as certain as in the early years of the postwar times by adopting unorthodox statecraft amid profound political polarization. Seemingly, the same story applies to the present administration. By attacking the liberal consensus of the establishment, domestic and international, the Trump government tries to “make America great again” in another era of increased stress. Confronting an emerging multipolar international system and the collapse of the existing national consensus, dramatic shifts in policies have been implemented to ensure that the United States will remain a hegemonic power on the world scene.
Key Words Realism  Hegemony  U.S  Nixon  Jacksonianism  Trum 
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8
ID:   157755


Why not bomb north korea? theories, risks, and preventive strikes / Jackson, Van   Journal Article
Jackson, Van Journal Article
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Summary/Abstract Scholars expect that a state possessing nuclear weapons has strong incentives to proactively attack its non-nuclear adversary rather than allow it to go nuclear. So why has the United States not already bombed North Korea? This article presents three different frames through which policymakers evaluate the North Korea threat—to deterrence, to nuclear nonproliferation, and to regional stability. In each, preventive strikes play a different primary role, and the article explains the frame– specific risks that inhere in different “theories” of preventive strikes based on their intended purpose. The analysis shows that, in the North Korea context, preventive strikes are a crude and unreliable instrument of policy: any purpose preventive strikes might serve is put in jeopardy by the strikes themselves. Past U.S. presidents would have been unlikely to bomb North Korea even if they faced more desperate circumstances than they did, if only because it would have required assuming risks that historically the United States has not been willing to accept.
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