|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
036645
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, WeidenFeld and Nicolson, 1978.
|
| Description |
xii, 628p.Hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0297772708
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 017661 | 923.25694/EBA 017661 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
113216
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2012.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article consists of selected translations from captured interviews and dairies of Al Qaida members. The time period covered is from mid-2001 to early 2002 and concerns their operations in Afghanistan. The material clearly conveys a range of emotion, from confident to despondent, as well as efforts to contest the US actions. The first several pages give the reader context and some possible "lessons learned," but the story(ies) are best told by the Al Qaida members themselves. All names are pseudonyms.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
150833
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The March 17, 2015 parliamentary elections were held roughly two years after the previous elections. According to the results, the incumbent Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has formed the new government. It controls 61 parliamentary seats, and is a narrow, right-wing and ultra-Orthodox government with the narrowest of Knesset majorities. Its composition shows that it would be one of the most right-wing administrations in Israel's history, and there is hardly a mention or plan of resolving the Palestinian conflict. This article tries to analyze whether the electoral results open up new possibilities for the peace process and Israel's security agenda.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
151378
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
107065
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing from material in American and British national archives, the Johnson and Nixon presidential libraries, the archives of the International Monetary Fund, and the United Nations record, this article examines the international politics surrounding the June 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum Company. The response to the nationalisation reveals a complex relationship between traditional Cold War concerns and the emergence of a Third World challenge to the structure of the post-war international economy: the practice of raw material sovereignty. Although Soviet aid to the Ba'ath government was central to nationalisation, it was far from exclusive. Accordingly, the nationalisation illustrates the dynamism of the Cold War era and places on display important forces that operated independently of Cold War constraints.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
189870
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The Arab attitude towards the Russian special military operation
in Ukraine is considered a departure from the trends that usually govern
Arab politics, which have generally been supportive of the United
States. This is due to the fact that a number of Arab countries are
historically U.S. strategic allies. It is also one of the unique situations
that have witnessed an Arab consensus, without pre-coordination in this
regard among Arab countries. Disagreements have always plagued
efforts to formulate unified Arab policies. In the case of the Russian
operation, every Arab country has taken its attitude in accordance with
its national interests, and so it all has led to a common Arab position
that is underscored by an understanding of Russian motives.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
026345
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Vikas Publishing House, 1977.
|
| Description |
xii,142p.hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0706905024
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 018428 | 953/ELR 018428 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
125666
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A political trial, according to Steven E. Barkan, is a trial revolving around highly publicized legal controversies. In some cases, such a trial may determine fundamental political questions, exceeding the legal realm, which are in debate inside a given polity. The 1957-58 trial related to the 1956 massacre in Kafr Qasim, Israel certainly belongs to this category. The trial established the doctrine of a "manifestly unlawful order" in Israeli military law, contributed considerably to the reshaping of civil-military relations, and influenced the civic status of the Arab minority in Israel. In this article, using hitherto underexamined primary sources, I argue that the most important contribution of the trial, the doctrine of a "manifestly unlawful order," was not only a creation of the bench but also a result of a complicated interaction between the actors present in the courtroom: the defendants, their defense lawyers, the prosecutors, and the judges. Above all, the article shows how the bitter struggle between the two main attorneys helped shape the doctrine of a "manifestly unlawful order," that is, an order that is illegal for a soldier to obey.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
124363
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The comparison of Israel to South Africa under white supremist rule has been utterly rejected by those with intimate understanding of the old Apartheid system. Israel is a multiracial and multi-colored society, and the Arab minority actively participates in the political process. Incitement to racism in Israel is a criminal offence, as is discrimination on the basis of race or religion. The accusation is made that the very fact that Israel is considered a Jewish state proves an "Apartheid-like" situation. Yet the accusers have not a word of criticism against the tens of liberal democratic states that have Christian crosses incorporated in their flags, nor against the Muslim states with the half crescent symbol of Islam. For Arab states to denote themselves as Arab Republics is not objectionable.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
037845
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Weidenfeld ans Nicolson, 1989.
|
| Description |
xii, 464p.
|
| Standard Number |
0297793276
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 031553 | 327.174927/PRY 031553 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
030620
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Academic Press, 1980.
|
| Description |
xii, 148p.hbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 018848 | 953.05/BHU 018848 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
027000
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
London, Routlege and Kegan Paul Ltd., 1981.
|
| Description |
xxxi,186p.Hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0710008406
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 022278 | 909.097671/SAI 022278 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
183993
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the effects of Islamisation processes among Israeli Muslim Arabs on their intercommunal relations with Christian Arabs before and after the ‘Arab Spring’, based on 45 in-depth interviews held prior to and after this momentous event. The findings show the complex role played by Islamisation in Muslim-Christian relations, causing tensions and distancing at times while promoting intercommunal cooperation on other instances. They also reveal that in addition to the Islamic Movement, three other main socio-religious subsets played a role in Islamisation: secular, traditional and Salafi. Finally, since the onset of the ‘Arab Spring’, the religious identity of Israeli Muslims has remained central but the power of Islamic segments seems to have declined. Under these circumstances, Muslims and Christians tended to grow socially distant from each other, though no substantial tensions were evident.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
185880
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing upon three decades of postrevolutionary textbooks, this article traces the development of the Arab Muslim as a recurring character in the early elementary curriculum of the Islamic Republic, set against the historical context of Iranian modernization and state formation in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Sympathy for the Arab by the postrevolutionary state included a rebuke and an affirmation: Look at what has happened to the Arabs who were not able to defend their homes and their homeland, and look at what has not happened to us. Set against the Palestinian Arab figure are the accomplishments of American scientists and inventors who feature prominently in the postrevolutionary curriculum as sources of emulation for young readers. Star turns from Thomas Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, and Orville and Wilbur Wright invite a reconsideration of the role of the foreign Other in the construction of Iranian national identity, notably the expectation that the dispossessed constitute natural allies in Iran's ceaseless struggle against “the West.” Islamization of the primary school curriculum since 1979 has not come at the expense of Iranian national identity but as its expression, elucidating the ways postrevolutionary educational materials can serve as a repository for tracing the continuities and permutations in depicting the Arab or Western Other as well as different civilizational ethos of the Islamic and Persianate world across time.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
126865
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article presents the author's views concerning the safety and security condition of several Palestinian Arabs in East Jerusalem. The author mentions the move of the Israeli government for these settlers by implementing policies through military occupation. The author cites the challenges faced by Palestinians due to the ailing condition of their security. The marginalization enforced for Palestinians is also noted.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
119293
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
132309
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Ethnic and national identities are shaped and evolve in the context of complex negotiations sustained among multiple players, each with its own and often contradicting interests. This study focuses on one unique cultural group, the Druze in Israel, and examines a multifaceted identity constructed as a direct result of policies and expectations of members and institutions of majority groups. My aim is to explore how this identity is defined within the complex intergroup context, the various components and their inter-relations (congruent or conflictual), and the way its boundaries are shaped through interaction with other identities in Israel. The analysis of the interviews conducted with 50 Druze university students in Israel yielded three major content categories: 'Druze by blood;' 'Arab, but less so;' and 'Being Israeli.' The Druze identity is constructed in primordialist terms, and a central role is assigned to the belief in reincarnation. The Arab identity is categorized primarily as a national one, and it is strongly affected by the negative attitude of Arabs toward the service of the Druze in the Israeli army. Three major aspects emerged in relation to the Israeli identity of the Druze: the fact of their being citizens of the State of Israel, the attitude of the state and of Jews toward them, and the army service. Our study portrays a highly complex and problematic constellation of group identities, shaped as a delicate adaptation to the unique position of a group subject to multiple political forces in the past and present.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
096967
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2010.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
War-on-terror-themed fictional films, particularly those focused on the war in Iraq, have largely failed at the box office and have been subjected to stinging criticism by right-wing political commentators and film reviewers. Critics on the political right have been upset by a perceived lack of patriotism in the films, often arguing that they are dangerous incitements to new acts of violence. However, unlike many earlier war films, including those made about the conflict in Vietnam, directors of films about the war on terror are quite self-consciously making political films that question United States (US) policy and practice, that focus on the effects of war on US service personnel and civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan and that, significantly, attempt to rehabilitate Arabs, Muslims and Islam from decades of Hollywood demonization. Moreover, the films are being made and released into a media environment in which quality news reporting has declined even as the intensity of feeling about 'otherness' has sharpened. This article argues that war on terror film directors are themselves bearing witness to the tragedy of war and thereby inviting film audiences to see the effects of war.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
103225
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article identifies similar patterns of behaviour and attitudes towards Arabs and the Arab states among three of Israel's prime ministers in the first 10 years that followed the 1967 war: Levi Eshkol, Golda Meir, and Yitzhak Rabin. All three believed in the right of the Jews to the Land of Israel, in their right to return to their ancient homeland to become a majority, and in the establishment of the state of Israel as the national home of the Jewish people - a state founded on values of democracy and equal of rights for all its citizens. Convinced that the Arabs would never reconcile themselves to Jewish sovereignty in (however small) a part of the Middle East, they believed that Israel must rely on its sword if it were to survive. They differed, nevertheless, over how to achieve these goals. While Eshkol and Rabin believed that Israel should withdraw from most of the territories captured in the 1967 War as a condition for partial (Rabin) or full (Eshkol) peace, Meir did not share this view.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
128495
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Twelve files, which include the correspondence between N. F. Katanov and N. M. Martyanov, are kept in the archive of Minusinsk Regional museum of local lore'. They give an opportunity to evaluate the contribution of N. F. Katanov to the development of the museum and his interest in his homeland. N. F. KatanOv's letter of 24 January 1894 from Saint Petersburg concerning decoding of Orhon and Yenisei Old Turkic inscriptions is highly characteristic: "Herewith I send my book of script for the museum. Be glad and let all Siberia be glad! In December 1893 Danish researcher W. Thomson and our researcher V. V. Radloff found the most correct key for reading Runic inscriptions. Radloff grew young for 30 years. The script is original, phonetic. About six months ago, Radloff had only guessed and now at the direction of Thomson (with whom he corresponded) and underhis new considerations he learnt to read absolutely fluently. One inscription dates from 738 AD and testifies about Chinese trade with the Arabs and Siberia. . .''.Z
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|