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| 1 |
ID:
045129
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| Publication |
New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc, 1972.
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| Description |
xv,423p.
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| Standard Number |
130368482
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 011149 | 303.6/FEI 011149 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
027681
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New Delhi, Ashish Publishing House., 1987.
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| Description |
XVI, 230p.
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| Standard Number |
81-7024-087-5
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 028251 | 303.623/GHO 028251 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
163195
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores how different types of governance systems shape different forms of political violence. We identify four governance types by combining the “institutional” dimension of coalition size represented by a minimum winning coalition (MWC) and the “ethno-political” dimension represented by the size of ethnic groups participating in the governing coalition. This study hypothesizes that (a) an exclusive system (small MWC; narrow-based ethnic coalition) is likely to engender civil war, (b) an oversized system (small MWC; broad-based ethnic coalition) is likely to generate a coup, and (c) an undersized system (large MWC; narrow-based ethnic coalition) is likely to stimulate riots or protests. Statistical analyses confirm all three hypotheses, implying that opposition groups choose alternative forms of conflict that maximize their chances of accessing power under different governance configurations. The article concludes by identifying three possible paths toward inclusive governance and suggesting that institutional reform before ethnic inclusion makes a transition toward inclusive governance far less dangerous.
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| 4 |
ID:
145041
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On 11 December 2005 at Sydney’s Cronulla Beach about 5000 Australians, mostly young men from Sutherland Shire, wrapped themselves in Australian flags and asserted that Cronulla Beach belonged to them through abusive language against Lebanese Australians. Subsequently, on 12 December 2005 a group of Australians of Lebanese heritage launched an attack in reprisal. The former group exhibited their “Australianness” through an urban model based on exclusion, implying they were the West so, of course, they were better than the rest. The latter fought back, exhibiting that they also represented the West. They demonstrated their territorial rights as they asserted that the beach also belonged to them. The rather aggressive posturing of both parties raises the question of whether Muslim Australians have a place in the white imaginary spatiality.
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| 5 |
ID:
179339
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Although Kyrgyzstan has recently withstood two coup d'états (or so-called “revolutions”) and a bout of ethnic violence, the politicization of the legal system by successive presidents portends a troublesome future. The 2017 transition from Almazbek Atambaev to Sooronbai Jeenbekov gave way to the former's arrest and imprisonment. A series of other prior arrests and incarcerations of (former) parliamentarians indicate that Kyrgyzstan's presidents are regularly manipulating the legal system to persecute and neutralize their rivals. This article posits that the repetitive rupturing of legal institutions will usher in an era of heightened illiberalism, elite uncertainty, and the further discrediting of the political system, thereby placing the state on the brink of failure. The mass uprising in response to the October 2020 parliamentary electoral results and most recent coup d'état indicate that the prospects of the Kyrgyz Republic suffering a collapse are real.
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| 6 |
ID:
145990
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| Summary/Abstract |
We show that drought-induced changes in the intensity of riots lead to moves toward democracy in sub-Saharan Africa and that these changes are often a result of concessions made as a result of the riots. This provides evidence that low-intensity conflict can have a substantial short-run impact on democratic change and supports the “window of opportunity” hypothesis: droughts lead to an increase in the threat of conflict, and incumbents often respond by making democratic concessions.
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| 7 |
ID:
138307
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Our article analyzes how transitioning political institutions create incentives and disincentives for opposition groups to incite different forms of political violence. We argue that variation on two specific parameters of governance—checks and balances and political participation—compels states toward one of the three forms of conflict, including civil wars, political militia, and riots. Using disaggregated data on different types of political violence across Africa from 1997 to 2012, we analyzed two parameters of governance in both count and change models. We also identified high-risk conflict periods. Typical regime types (democracy, autocracy, anocracy) cannot explain manifestations of conflict, as violence occurs in regimes with varying levels of political openness and competition. Opposition groups actively respond to regime transitions, as changes in institutional parameters correlate with shifts into alternative forms of violence within states.
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| 8 |
ID:
148227
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This article analyses the role of religious leaders in collective violence in Kano, the major urban centre in northern Nigeria. It compares two episodes of collective action in the city—the violent ‘Plateau riots’ in 2004 and the non-violent ‘cartoon protests’ in 2006—to explore the role of religious leaders in the variation in violence between the two events. The core argument is that the ways in which Islamic and Christian preachers framed the triggering events for these cases facilitated different forms of mobilisation and enemy identification in response. In 2004, the interpretation of violence in Plateau State through the ‘Christians-versus-Muslims’ frame allowed for mobilisation within Kano’s Christian and Muslim communities as well as for the identification of local Christians as enemies. In 2006, in contrast, the infamous Danish cartoons were actively framed as part of the global struggle between faithful Nigerians and nonreligious Westerners, facilitating non-violent mobilisation across Christian-Muslim boundaries. Thus, the divergent discursive strategies employed by religious leaders are likely to have contributed to violent escalation in 2004 and to peaceful mobilisation in 2006. At the same time, however, the article emphasises the interaction of discursive framing with other factors, such as the role of security forces and the inextricable connections between religious and political authorities in Kano. The article is based on mixed-methods data collected in Kano between 2006 and 2012, including perceptions survey data, semi-structured interviews, and newspaper articles.
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| 9 |
ID:
027690
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| Publication |
DelhI, Anmol Publications, 1986.
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| Description |
v, 277p.: ill.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 026400 | 954.9045/KAI 026400 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
152347
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ethnic riots in India rarely lead to convictions of perpetrators and redress for victims. By implication, antagonisms prevail years after violence has ceased and victims often find themselves sharing everyday spaces with their attackers. The task of identifying the risk factors leading to ethnic violence as well as the nuances of coexistence for individuals ridden with memories of violence and prejudice is rife with methodological and ethical challenges. Concerns surrounding data quality are enhanced when the researcher is also an insider. In a study spanning 26 months (undertaken between 2010 and 2015), I examine the challenges of an insider researcher in the context of Hindu–Muslim violence that occurred in Gujarat in 2002, and offer techniques to improve data quality. Strategies include the cross-verification of sources within official data; interviewing respondents in group and individual settings to address the attitudinal fallacy; and employing respondent-empowered cognitive maps. I argue that visual data, such as cognitive maps, enable a better understanding of abstract social concepts and also facilitate a balance between distance and involvement for the insider researcher.
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| 11 |
ID:
045131
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| Publication |
New York, John Wiley & Co.Ltd.,
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| Description |
xv,253p.
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| Series |
Comparative studies in behavioural science:A WIley series
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| Standard Number |
0471386006
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012171 | 303.6/HIB 012171 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
086686
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2008 Mongolia witnessed the first violent riots in the wake of parliamentary elections since the country became a democracy in 1992, but the crisis was mitigated by the formation of a coalition government. Mining has become a key factor for defining Mongolia's domestic politics and international relations.
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| 13 |
ID:
116573
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper uses the 2011 viral video "My Tram Experience" as a prism through which to consider aspects of the contemporary politics of race and racism, immigration and misoxeny in Britain. The release and popularity of that clip is seen in the context of the second trial of the murders of Stephen Lawrence and in relation to technological changes and the emergence of virtual and immaterial racism on social media sites like Twitter and Facebook.
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| 14 |
ID:
078921
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the course of the past decade, the study of religious violence has evolved into a thriving industry of sorts. More than a field of academic research, religious violence is now a topic in which powerful US government agencies, major international institutions and all manner of 'think tanks' and foundations have developed an interest. This paper suggests an alternative approach, both in terms of the specific context of Indonesia and more broadly. This approach is rooted in a very different political, institutional and intellectual tradition from the dominant strands of the 'religious violence industry'. In terms of politics, the essential premise is a critical distance not only from the US-led 'Global War on Terrorism', but also from those avowedly secular, ecumenical or religiously tolerant and disinterested institutions that claim to be promoting conflict resolution and multi-faith religious coexistence and understanding in Indonesia and elsewhere around the world. In terms of institutional affiliations, the point of departure for the author's work is a sceptical view of large-scale research projects linked to major funding bodies, government agencies and other centres of state power; and in terms of intellectual foundations, the work here is rooted in the tradition of comparative historical sociology.
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| 15 |
ID:
087808
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| 16 |
ID:
164962
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| Summary/Abstract |
Papua New Guinea experienced another challenging year, with a major earthquake impacting oil and gas projects, rioting and inter-clan fighting in the highlands, and economic decline, but Prime Minister O’Neill survived, and the country raised its international profile with the hosting of the 2018 APEC summit meeting. Closer ties between Papua New Guinea and China raised some concerns in Australia, which moved to strengthen its presence in Papua New Guinea and the region.
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| 17 |
ID:
179350
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| Summary/Abstract |
This interpretive visual report interacts with repertoires of graffitied messages photographed at two university campuses in Hong Kong after skirmishes laced with tear gas and fire between students and riot police had ceased. This work is a response to several graffitied images taken in early 2020 after the campus siege of 2019. It is accompanied by a reference to the reverberations of recent watershed developments that have fundamentally changed Hong Kong society and the modern-day University's mission to establish coalescence amidst the diversity of ideas.
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| 18 |
ID:
184785
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1938, a communal conflict took place in the city of Bombay. This confrontation between Hindus and Muslims flared into large-scale violence. During the riots, the home minister of the provincial government invoked a combination of laws such as Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and instituted curfews to control the situation. As a result, hundreds of inhabitants of the city were arrested. The purpose of this article is threefold. Firstly, it will highlight how communal conflict in the late colonial period would often begin over trivial issues but could easily expand into large-scale riots influenced by metapolitical concerns. Secondly, moments of ‘disorder’ facilitated the administrative urge to institute extraordinary laws like Section 144 and curfews. And thirdly, the invocation of extraordinary laws was justified in reference to various problem categories like mawaalis and hooligans in this case. Overall, the article will show that the provincial government led by Indians continued the colonial art of governance by resorting to repression as a significant tool to deal with political unrest.
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| 19 |
ID:
169226
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is written by a former Royal Hong Kong Police officer whose service included Special Branch engaged in counter-terrorism intelligence, and who is currently resident in Hong Kong. It offers a detailed chronological overview of the development of the 2019 protests in Hong Kong; analyses the problems with the political response on the part of the Hong Kong and Beijing governments; it also looks at the tactics employed by the protesters, and critically examines the tactical and strategic response to the protests by the Hong Kong police. It also discusses the broader social and economic causes of the protests, and how the Hong Kong government might best respond to these challenges.
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| 20 |
ID:
039122
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| Publication |
New Jersey, Peinceton University Press, 1974.
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| Description |
vii, 280p.
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| Standard Number |
069105651x
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 013523 | 341.6/BON 013523 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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