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| 1 |
ID:
127487
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE SOVIET Chief Engineering Directorate (GIU, now FSVTS - the Russian Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation) was established in accordance with the USSR Council of Ministers Resolution No. 6749 of May 8, 1953. Colonel-General G.S. Sidorovich became the first chief of the GIU with a staff of 238 (160 army officers and 78 civilian employees), his deputies being Engineer Colonel M.A. Sergeychik and Rear Admiral G.V. Yurin.1
Of course, Soviet cooperation with foreign countries in the military-technical sphere had begun long before that, although perhaps it was from this time that it began to directly influence the foreign policy of our country.
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| 2 |
ID:
062685
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| 3 |
ID:
095965
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| 4 |
ID:
120249
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| Publication |
Singapore, ISEAS, 2012.
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| Description |
xvii,347p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
9789814379649
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057274 | 337.1/DAS 057274 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
100733
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
uring the Vietnam War several beliefs gained currency that had negative implications for the men who labored as advisers. One was that the U.S. Army did not select its best men for advisory duty. Another was that promotion boards disregarded statements by senior Army leaders that command and advisory performance would be given the same weight when determining officer promotions. This article attempts to shed light on the question by examining the extent to which former Vietnam advisers achieved general officer rank in the U.S. Army.
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| 6 |
ID:
095427
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| 7 |
ID:
096017
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| 8 |
ID:
134217
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the motivation determining the European Union's (EU) aid allocation to Vietnam. Existing literature and EU official documents are used to build upon four models with respect to new aid allocation: donor interest, recipient interest, recipient capacity and potential donor influence. The paper concludes that the EU's aid policy in Vietnam has a long-term objective in conformity with Vietnam's development strategy-poverty alleviation. Moreover, the EU's political and economic interests, a successful economic reform and development strategy, a high level of ownership (good governance) and potential donor influence are identified as contributions to make Vietnam an 'aid darling'.
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| 9 |
ID:
039541
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| Edition |
1st ed.
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| Publication |
Washington, Pergamon-Brasse'ys, 1989.
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| Description |
xx, 196p.hbk
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| Series |
AFA Books
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| Standard Number |
0080367216
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 030967 | 959.704348/MRO 030967 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
027260
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| Edition |
rev. ed.
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| Publication |
Boston, Beacon press, 1972.
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| Description |
xxi, 289p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0807002488
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010834 | 959.704348/LIT 010834 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
128405
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Picture yourself locked "in a dimly lit, windowless concrete box, approximately nine feet long by four feet wide," with a bamboo mat and a bucket, one or both of your ankles locked in irons, left there like a caged animal. Now imagine spending two years there, alone-the isolation interrupted only by routine interrogation and occasional torture sessions, some lasting days-and you are getting close to describing the experiences of a handful of American prisoners of war whose North Vietnamese hosts had designated them as troublemakers. These were the men of Alcatraz. In all, more than three hundred and fifty American servicemen were being held captive by North Vietnam when US involvement ended in 1973. Few tales of American valor are as dramatic and gut-wrenching as those of the Vietnam-era POWs, some of whom were held for eight years, twice the length of US involvement in the Second World War. Defiant, by Alvin Townley, whose previous book chronicled the world of US Navy aviation, is the story of eleven of these captives whose leadership and resistance to their captors' treatment, including efforts to use them for propaganda purposes, caused the North Vietnamese so much trouble they were rounded up, blindfolded, and removed to a special prison they dubbed Alcatraz. They would spend two years there, isolated from the main group of American prisoners, segregated even from one another, forbidden to communicate amongst themselves, and tortured repeatedly for their refusal to capitulate. According to a camp functionary they nicknamed "Rabbit," the Alcatraz Eleven were the "darkest criminals who persist in inciting the other criminals to oppose the Camp Authority." We would call them heroes.
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| 12 |
ID:
123644
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
MORE THAN thirty years after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini came to power-and two decades after his passing-the Islamic Republic remains an outlier in international relations. Other non-Western, revolutionary regimes eventually eschewed a rigidly ideological foreign policy and accepted the fundamental legitimacy of the international system. But Iran's leaders have remained committed to Khomeini's worldview. The resilience of Iran's Islamist ideology in the country's foreign policy is striking. China's present-day foreign policy isn't structured according to Mao's thought, nor is Ho Chi Minh the guiding light behind Vietnam's efforts to integrate into the Asian community. But Iran's leadership clings to policies derived largely from Khomeini's ideological vision even when such policies are detrimental to the country's other stated national interests and even when a sizable portion of the ruling elite rejects them.
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| 13 |
ID:
131823
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan was Australia's longest war, yet the consensus between Australia's major political parties on the commitment never wavered over 12 years. The bipartisan unity held even as the nature of the war changed and evolved, Australian casualties rose and popular support fell away. The enduring centrality of the US alliance explains much-probably almost all you need to know-about the unbroken consensus of the Australian polity. Afghanistan was an example of the Australian alliance addiction, similar to Vietnam. As with Vietnam, the Australian military left Afghanistan believing it won its bit of the war, even if the Afghanistan war is judged a disaster. As Australia heads home it finds the USA pivoting in its direction; with all the similarities that can be drawn between Vietnam and Afghanistan, this post-war alliance effect is a huge difference between the two conflicts.
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| 14 |
ID:
102957
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent decades have seen growing historical interest in "second rank" officials who, whilst they do not play a leading role in government or political movements, can influence the way decisions are shaped and executed. At the same time, the interest of scholars in American policy during the Vietnam War shows no signs of abating. This article investigates the experience of one second rank official during the war, David Bruce, who was Ambassador to London during 1961-1969. Making particular use of Bruce's extensive diaries, it traces his shifting views on the war, looks at the extent to which he shared the outlook of other official,s and asks what influence, if any, he had on events. It argues that, whilst he always remained loyal to his own government and often mirrored the outlook of the Johnson Administration, Bruce had his own perspective on events, was consistently critical of American tactics on the ground, and, in Spring 1967, influenced by Robert McNamara, became an early advocate of retrenchment.
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| 15 |
ID:
049440
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| Publication |
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003.
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| Description |
xii, 371p.Pbk
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| Series |
Publications of the German Historical Institute
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| Standard Number |
052100876X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 047259 | 909.826/DAU 047259 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
099937
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This special issue of Contemporary Southeast Asia examining United States bilateral relations with Myanmar, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos and Vietnam, and specifically the mutual efforts at "rapprochement", "re-engagement" or "revitalization", is informed by several considerations. First, the Obama administration took office with a declared commitment to improve relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organization and moved with alacrity to implement a number of policy decisions to that end. Second, and in parallel, the administration highlighted opportunities for broader and deeper bilateral relations with specific ASEAN member countries…Together, this focus on Southeast Asia is an important element of the current administration's overall focus on US relations with the Asia Pacific - a focus which represents one of the most significant periods of US regional activism in decades.
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| 17 |
ID:
027671
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| Publication |
London, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1969.
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| Description |
254p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 005029 | 959.7043373/LED 005029 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
063176
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| 19 |
ID:
076455
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| 20 |
ID:
123677
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The maritime dimension of ASEAN-India defense cooperation has always occupied a premier position given the geographical realities of Southeast Asia. Unlike air and land forces, naval forces offer policymakers strategic flexibility in the pursuit of foreign policy objectives in areas where maritime interests coincide. However, the ambiguous nature of naval forces could also be controversial, particularly in maritime zones of potential geopolitical rivalry. 1 The dual nature of naval forces is best manifest in India's naval cooperation with its ASEAN counterparts. While the Indian Navy (IN) essentially serves as a flexible diplomatic instrument of New Delhi's "Look East" policy since the end of the Cold War, its role in regional security dynamics is not without controversy, especially in the context of recent simmering tensions in the South China Sea. Hence, this article aims to examine the dynamics of ASEAN-Indian defense cooperation in the naval sphere, using the case studies of Singapore and Vietnam.
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