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| 1 |
ID:
183829
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines international economic relations, particularly those between China and ASEAN, by using an analytical framework for investment and trade networks. It discovers that connection density and network concentration increase with trade and investment. It finds that (i) the synergy of the Belt and Road Initiative will open new prospects for China–ASEAN investment and trade relations; (ii) China, Japan and the United States should become investment and trade partners rather than competitors with regard to ASEAN. This study provides directions for research on international economic ties and makes available new scientific perceptions and policy development for China in handling complicated international investment and trade relations.
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| 2 |
ID:
183830
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article aims to enrich the evolving concept of public diplomacy and enhance our understanding of soft power by studying the case of China. Based on empirical data, it goes beyond the conventional focus of attention on state-centric public diplomacy efforts in China to discuss the more dynamic and vibrant proliferation of intersocietal linkages and global communities of Tai Chi as a result of collaboration between state and non-state actors. The authors argue that the collaborative model, made possible since economic reform by this convergence of interests, exists within China too. The extent of convergence is not fixed. It varies depending on actors’ priorities in different periods, leading to different degrees of input . The study thus adds to the current scholarship on the network model to encompass diverse political contexts.
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| 3 |
ID:
183828
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Collaborative governance has gained increasing attention among practitioners and public administration scholars worldwide in the past several decades. However, little is known about government officials’ motivation for or willingness to take collaborative action, which work as a mediating variable between a range of other factors and collaboration as an outcome. Grounded in social action theory, this study examines the factors that enhance local officials’ willingness to participate in cross-departmental collaboration. Survey data and in-depth interviews from Shanghai indicate that a collaborative environment and organisational trust can increase officials’ willingness to collaborate with other departments, while the relationship between technological support and bureaucrats’ willingness is not significant. These findings suggest that defining the administrative power and responsibility of individual government departments, improving administrative accountability and building a sound incentive mechanism are crucial to facilitate local government’s cross-departmental collaboration in China.
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| 4 |
ID:
183826
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| Summary/Abstract |
While recent policies issued by the government advocate the return of overseas Chinese and the attraction of skilled foreign nationals to the country, the People’s Republic of China still rejects the recognition of dual nationality. This article aims to present scenarios of de facto dual nationality, resulting from the implementation of Chinese nationality law. It discusses three main scenarios: children who acquire Chinese and foreign nationality by birth, former Chinese citizens who do not cancel their household registrations, and Chinese officials who naturalise elsewhere but yet are denied the right to voluntary expatriation by the Chinese state and are treated as single nationals. These scenarios are examples of how the non-recognition of dual nationality under Chinese law conflicts with the interest of individuals. Legal and procedural inconsistencies of the Chinese state, too, have created inconsistent implementation of nationality law. Public administration of nationality law and the Chinese household registration (hukou) system are often conflicting, and China’s diplomatic efforts in holding up single nationality as the sole legal rule have contrasted with its focus on maintaining control over former citizens who naturalise elsewhere. The authors conclude that enhanced cooperation between authorities will make problems related to the enforcement of the single nationality rule more obvious, while underlying major problems persist, such as the conflicting implementation of nationality and household registration or inconsistent interpretation of the scope of control of the state over its former citizens. The authors suggest that the possibility to apply for permanent residence and the rights attached to it should be enhanced to safeguard participation in social security and political life, especially for foreign children and skilled foreign nationals.
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| 5 |
ID:
183825
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| Summary/Abstract |
Does China’s identity affect its attractiveness to the outside world? Although many China scholars seem to subscribe to this view, few have attempted to explore and theorise the relation directly. This article argues that to fully understand China’s (in)ability to wield soft power on the international stage, it is necessary to identify the underlying discursive structures, or building blocks, of China’s national identity. Based on an extensive reading of the secondary literature, the article singles out four relatively distinct discursive building blocks—“Sino-civilization”, “Confucianism”, the “Century of Humiliation” and the “Communist March”—each of which is critical to the articulation of Chinese identity in the 21st century. Following a description of these building blocks, this article shows, by examining a selection of public speeches by Xi Jinping, how the discursive building blocks have enabled and constrained the official narrative construction of China’s national identity. Against this backdrop, it is argued that China’s national identity is predominantly particularistic, or Sino-centric, and that this particularism places serious limitations on China’s soft power potential.
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| 6 |
ID:
183827
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite efforts to rejuvenate the people’s assessor system in recent years, it still suffers from a number of problems such as elitism in the selection of assessors and the lack of meaningful assessor participation and function. Past empirical studies in this field are still limited, and to date, none has compared assessors’ perceptions about the system with those of judges and other key participants. Based on survey and interview data conducted in Hunan province, this study adopts a mixed method approach to examine potential perception mismatches between assessors and other legal practitioners in the existing system. Findings suggest that there exist significant disjunctions between what assessors are capable of and desire to accomplish and what others believe. Often, Chinese judges and legal professionals have underestimated the potential values and contributions of the assessors. Such perception mismatches hinder the practice of the system, and have a real effect on assessor motivation and performance.
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| 7 |
ID:
183831
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews Isabella M. Weber’s book How China Escaped Shock Therapy: The Market Reform Debate. While in many ways a brilliant book, it can nonetheless be misleading and, in certain areas, misinformed. First, China has never really attempted shock therapy: it has almost always followed a gradual approach to reforms more akin to “acupuncture” rather than a “shock” therapy. Second, the definition of shock therapy that the book uses is deceptive, because it meant different things in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), Russia and China. Third, the importance of the 1980s debates seems to be exaggerated: China has never implemented shock therapy largely because of more fundamental forces, and not due to the fact that “dual-track reformers” had “saved” China. Fourth, while China, with its “gradualist” approach in reforms, has become the world’s growth champion, most CEE countries that underwent shock therapy did not fare badly either.
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