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| 1 |
ID:
183880
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| Summary/Abstract |
The outbreak of the Egyptian 2011 revolution raised expectations in academic and policy-oriented circles that Egypt would chart a new foreign policy discourse in response to the demands of its revolutionary public and the competing political forces that sought to shape its power. This article examines the development of Egyptian foreign policy after the 2011 revolution, with a view of identifying the patterns of continuity and change and their primary underlying causes. The article contends that, contrary to expectations, the elements of continuity were far more powerful than propensities for change during period of SCAF and Morsi where the revolutionary sentiment in Egyptian politics was at its peak. While the rise of Sisi to power seemed to have ended the revolutionary zeal in contemporary Egypt, it was only then that Egypt’s foreign policy has witnessed the most relatively significant change in the last 40 years.
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| 2 |
ID:
183887
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Why did al-Nur Salafi party change its stance towards civil state? This study problematizes al-Nur party’s discourse on civil state after 25 January and 3 July in emphasis of its ideological shift in different political contexts. Based on the political parties’ competition strategies, this study argues that changes in al-Nur party’s discourse towards civil state are due to its adoption of different competition strategies vis-à-vis the Muslim Brothers after 25 January and 3 July. Unlike the literature addressing the Islamists’ ideological revisions, this paper argues that al-Nur party adopted the issue ownership strategy in order to highlight its ideological specificity vis-à-vis the Brothers’ Freedom and Justice Party after 25 January. After 3 July, the party shifted to the wave-riding strategy in compliance with public anti-Islamic feelings in order to take over the political vacuum left after the ban of and the crackdown on the Brothers. By relying on the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology, this study examines the shift in al-Nur party’s stance towards civil state in the party’s official statements and websites during elections and constitutional referendums after 25 January and 3 July.
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| 3 |
ID:
183884
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Existentialist thought has influenced arts and literature movements in Turkey starting from the early Cold War years. The Second New movement in Turkish poetry was able to distinguish itself as a literary movement by focusing on the constrained individual who lost their voice and autonomy in the repressive and polarized conditions of the Cold War. Sezai Karakoç (b. 1933) is a prominent Turkish and conservative-Muslim intellectual, and a poet of the Second New whose work shows the effects of existentialist philosophy and he uses existential notions to formulate a doctrine. With this doctrine and his unique perspective of what this article construes to be a part of the Islamic existentialism, Karakoç remains a pivotal figure in explaining existentialism’s influence in Turkish literature and politics from a religious standpoint. Although affected by the existentialist thought, Karakoç refuses Sartrean atheism or Camusian absurdism to understand the laws of existence, and ties both nature’s and human’s reason of existence to Allah with a fundamental belief maintains that everything is linked to Him. In doing so, he uses the notion of death as a transcendental experience for the human beings, which enriches life with an experiment that exceeds the boundaries of the physical rules.
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| 4 |
ID:
183881
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| Summary/Abstract |
Investigating the way Sherzad Hassan represents the liminal status of the leading characters in his short fiction, this paper attempts to probe into the question of Kurdish subjectivity and Identity by discussing the liminal position of Kurds in Iraq in decades that culminated in their Anfal by Saddam Hussein. Victor Turner’s concept of liminality forms the theoretical background of the analysis. ‘Lausanne’, ‘Marlin’, ‘The Game of Changing Beds’, ‘The Sad Song of Being a Stranger’, ‘Secret’, ‘Smoke’, ‘The Alley of the Scarecrows’, and ‘Azrael’ among others are the selected short stories in which liminality has been scrutinized. Sherzad Hassan has employed music, incoherence, heteronomy, anonymity, verisimilitude, nakedness, limbo, tomb, womb, indeterminacy, hospital, patients, paralysis, gate, curtain, widowhood, smoke, scarecrows, portmanteau, and angels as the conventions of representing liminality. Given these facts, the paper comes up with the conclusion that the characters’ aspirations for development in their circumstances are mouldered. Tranquillity, cohesion and reintegration into the Kurdish society seem to be a mere mirage for the individuals.
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| 5 |
ID:
183888
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper has sought to examine Menachem Begin’s considerations on the issue of the settlements in the territories occupied by Israel in the decade prior to his becoming prime minister. In those years, the gap between what Begin defined as the role of his party—the gatekeeper against an Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank—vis-à-vis its actual scanty settling activity was striking. The core of the article tackles the repeated attempts made by a group of youths involved with right-wing circles to establish a Jewish settlement in or adjacent to Nablus, from 1969 to 1970. The little aid that Begin extended to these almost unknown youths sheds light on some significant facets of his perspective on the settlements. At that stage of his political career, Begin held a legalistic position and distanced himself from any unlawful clashes with the government. Begin’s adamant standpoint was consistent until the first attempt made by the religious Zionist youths to establish a settlement near Nablus in the spring-summer of 1974. Begin changed his mind only upon realizing that the clash between the settlers and the government in the summer of 1974 did not generate a noticeable public uproar.
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| 6 |
ID:
183883
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Contemporary literature reflects a newly emerging paradigm of the Arab Muslim refugee’s identity. The current conflict in the Middle East created a surge of migrants to European nations. The resulting social phenomenon enforces a series of interpersonal and international struggles for both the refugees and their hosts. In this paper, I carry out a comparative interpretation of Kamila Shamsie’s Home Fire and Mohsin Hamid’s Exit West in order to demonstrate the Arab Muslim refugee’s identity reinvention and metamorphosis in Britain, particularly in London. As I demonstrate in this paper, the many protagonists in both literary works allude to specific phases of the naturalization process, as social group’s prejudiced and stereotypical conceptualization of the ‘other’ is identified. Paradoxical accounts of empathy and apathy are recorded and conflicting social roles are highlighted. The literary works suggest the genesis of new multi-national Arab Muslim identities as potential (re)solution to the interpersonal struggles of integration.
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| 7 |
ID:
183889
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature on sectarianism, its causes and intricate workings, has increased considerably since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. This article focuses on the discursive strategies employed by a set of actors seeking to persuade their audiences of a permanent and insoluble rift between Sunnis and Shi’a, stigmatized as the ‘Alāqima. It offers a case study of a particular historical episode: the fall of Baghdad and the Abbasid Caliphate during the Mongol invasion of 1258. It argues that, since 2003, this event has been recast in a narrative emphasizing Shi’i betrayal and Sunni victimhood by different groups of actors (political figures, religious clerics, jihadist groups, etc.) who manipulate this grand narrative to fulfil specific socio-political goals (mobilization, recruitment, etc.) and rely on mechanisms of diffusion strongly based on social media. Methodologically, it demonstrates the critical relevance of sociologist Margaret Somers’ ‘narrative identity approach.’ According to this approach, ‘people construct identities (…) by locating themselves or being located within a repertoire of emplotted stories.’ It calls for de-sectarianization strategies that address these discourses and narratives, particularly in the online sphere.
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| 8 |
ID:
183885
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the connections between two distinct publishing enterprises in 1850s Beirut to put into relief how American missionaries and learned Syrians in tandem shaped the early Arabic press industry. It examines Syrian journalistic ambitions, a missionary foray into serialized print, and the material practices of early Arabic publishing. Section one provides the first detailed history of the Miscellany (1851–1856), a series of religious pamphlets produced by the missionaries known in Arabic as Majmuʿ Fawayid (A Collection of Useful Knowledge). Through a material analysis of the publication, it also expands on the extent archival record and discusses developments to the format of the serial. Section two advances an updated establishment story of Hadiqat al-Akhbar (1858–1907), the first Arabic newspaper in the city. It spotlights a disremembered leader of the journalistic enterprise, Antonius Ameuney (1821–1881), and pinpoints the origins of the newspaper to a group of Syrians assembled at the forgotten Médawar Literary Circle. The entangled history of the Arabic press shows how foreigners and locals worked simultaneously to realize different visions for a serial publication in Beirut in the early days of the Arab Nahḍa (Renaissance).
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| 9 |
ID:
183882
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the cinematic representation of hegemonic currents in the films produced in Iran during the 1960s and 1970s. In a close reading of the mainstream, artistic and political films of the period it probes the effects of the newly established capitalist mode of production in the cinematic production. Drawing on Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, it demonstrates how a new social class appeared in the country as a result of the so-called White Revolution and land reform and discusses the changing alliances of this class during the 1960s and the 1970s which contributed to the formations of hegemonic force-fields. Accordingly, this articles traces the transformation of the hegemonic processes of incorporation in the realm of cinema from the duality of residual/emergent significations through alternative practices (considering Raymond Williams’s terminology) in the 1960s to pre-emergent and later radically emergent and oppositional practices in the 1970s.
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| 10 |
ID:
183886
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| Summary/Abstract |
Tunisia, the birthplace of the ‘Arab Spring’, has emerged as the only credible story of political transition and democratic consolidation across the region. However, ongoing challenges are tempering the euphoria of the early emancipatory mantra of freedom and dignity. Nevertheless, the political transformation continues to gather assured democratic momentum. And whilst the country’s political elite and leading civil society organizations have managed to avoid the chaotic, and in some cases violent, scenarios in neighbouring countries, some significant challenges remain ahead, none less important than enduring corruption, socio-economic inequalities, sporadic but highly damaging security events, and persistent economic problems, most notably high unemployment among university graduates. Based on qualitative insights and quantitative data, this paper shows that many of these challenges are epitomized in the critical demographic cohort of youth who are disengaging from all forms of formal political activities. The paper argues that democratic gains can be fragile and will be jeopardized unless urgent structural reforms and transformative initiatives are introduced in the country to restore, even partially, the youth’s capacity to influence the social reform agenda and the overall democratization process.
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