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| 1 |
ID:
177670
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the Taliban’s insurgency (2007–9) in Swat valley (Pakistan), with two objectives: (a) how civilians survive violence and (b) what their survival strategies mean for them. Drawing on in-depth interviews and focus group discussions, conducted in 2016 to 2019, it offers a typology of civilians’ survival strategies which includes resistance, accommodation, readjustment and withdrawal. It finds that although the strategies worked, resistance and accommodation have had a detrimental impact on civilians in the form of direct violence. In comparison, readjustment and withdrawal helped them avoiding direct violence but have had a negative impact on civilian life and society.
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| 2 |
ID:
177679
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| Summary/Abstract |
This fairly lengthy book is a recent addition to the extensive literature on what some analysts have termed the ‘armed struggle’ in South Africa, focusing particularly on the later phase of conflict from the mid-1980s through the transition to an ANC-led government in 1994 and continuing sporadically in the years afterward. It is a work that might have some appeal to military and strategic analysts focused on guerrilla war and counter-insurgency, based as it is on some fairly extensive if narrowly focused researched. However, many of its assertions and conclusions can be seriously contested.
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| 3 |
ID:
177671
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| Summary/Abstract |
The entry of the Union of South Africa into the First World War, as well as the subsequent invasion of German South West Africa (GSWA), served as a trigger to the Afrikaner Rebellion. In September 1914 the Union Defence Force (UDF) suffered a major reverse at the Battle of Sandfontein. However, in addition to the German threat, South Africa faced a second, more serious internal threat. The socio-economic realities of early-twentieth-century South Africa, felt most keenly among rural Afrikaners, magnified the rift between the competing interests of Afrikaner nationalists and the Union government loyal to the Crown. The Union’s entry into the war was a step too far for many Nationalist Afrikaners and ultimately precipitated the outbreak of the rebellion. As a result, the operational focus of the UDF shifted to the internal military threat posed by Afrikaner rebel forces. The Afrikaner Rebellion brought about the first counterinsurgency operation of the UDF within the borders of South Africa. By harnessing its operational and tactical mobility, and operating from the central position and along internal lines of communication, the UDF swiftly dealt with the rebel revolt. This article evaluates the counterinsurgency operations conducted by the UDF in suppressing the Afrikaner Rebellion.
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| 4 |
ID:
177675
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| Summary/Abstract |
Institutions are historical products shaped by power and contestation which don’t necessarily respond to the purpose for which they were originally created. I will explore how ‘communal action’ institutions created to contain the advancement of the insurgent movement in rural Colombia in the 1950s were eventually used by guerrillas, notably the FARC-EP. Through them, rebels advanced their political agenda, reinforcing their organisational work in rural communities. The strategic impact of this contradictory process, cannot be over-stated, for it turned the struggle of rebels against the State into a struggle fought squarely within the very structures of the State they antagonised.
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| 5 |
ID:
177674
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, scholars and practitioners alike have acknowledged the threat posed by Military-Trained Gang Members (MTGMs). These individuals have the training, know-how, and expertise necessary to significantly increase the effectiveness and lethality of the armed group they belong to. Even though this threat is present in several criminal insurgencies, usage of the MTGM concept is limited to studies regarding the United States. This paper broadens this scope by assessing the presence and characters of the MTGM phenomenon in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Through a review of media output on the topic, spanning over more than 21 years, the paper exposes the roots and extent of this trend, as well as the roles played by MTGMs.
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| 6 |
ID:
177677
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Movimiento 19 de Abril (M-19) combined the socialist discourse of the revolutionary left with explicit calls to Colombian nationalism. This paper will question how and why the M-19 framed its insurgency in explicitly Colombian Nationalist terminology, in particular by referencing the historic figure of Simón Bolívar. As well as how the M-19 balanced its ideological preferences with the norms and expectations of its supporters. The paper argues that the M-19 strategically fused socialism with Colombian nationalism to strengthen its appeal in urban areas, as a means to distinguish itself from the other armed groups and to maintain internal cohesion.
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| 7 |
ID:
177669
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| Summary/Abstract |
The term ‘soldier’ is frequently conceptualized as a warrior, a peacekeeper, or a hybrid of both. However, recent changes in the utilization of soldiers in societies have moved the repertoire of possible ways to think, act, and behave beyond these notions. As such, there exists an undertheorized gap between different expectations of soldiers and actual soldier roles. This presents a need for more nuanced and analytically useful conceptualizations of soldier roles. This article provides a more thorough understanding of the soldier role by identifying seven ideal types of soldiers: the warrior, nation-defender, law-enforcer, humanitarian, state-builder, and the ideological, and contractor soldiers. The typology offers an analytical tool with the capacity to maneuver the empirical reality, which is important because how soldier roles are constructed affect how military personnel understand their role in the postmodern world, where identity is multifaceted and negotiable. Ultimately, identity influences how soldiers interact with societies and how societies respond to war, conflicts, and crises.
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| 8 |
ID:
177678
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| Summary/Abstract |
Democracies, handicapped by constitutional conventions and structural mechanisms which enforce the practice of humanitarian ethics, are less well-equipped to address counterinsurgencies (COIN) than popularly-unaccountable authoritarian regimes. Although commonly asserted in academic and popular channels, this statement belies a greater truth: that democracies actually outperform authoritarian governments as it relates to COIN conflict outcome. This paper makes the argument for the waging of effective COIN by emergent democracies through the analysis of the successful Venezuelan anti-Castro-Communist counterinsurgency of the 1960s. The Rómulo Betancourt (1958–1964) and Raúl Leoni (1964–1969) administrations’ tempered and humane response to urban and rural Castro-Communist violence decisively won the backing of the Venezuelan people and mortally wounded the insurgent support base. Once military operational and tactical missteps that prolonged the conflict are accounted for, the Venezuelan COIN of the 1960s can serve as an exportable model for newly emergent democracies seeking to wage war within constitutional conventions.
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