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| 1 |
ID:
184741
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| Summary/Abstract |
The COVID-19 pandemic has offered China a unique opportunity for worldwide deployment of its longstanding health diplomacy, renamed the Health Silk Road (HSR), now an integral part of its Belt and Road Initiative. As a self-proclaimed South-South collaborator and developer,1Beijing has assumed a leadership role, grounded in ‘moral realism’, in the world’s health governance. Beijing’s health diplomacy has received acclaim in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). However, the pandemic has exacerbated preexisting tensions between China, the United States (US) and European Union (EU). Western countries, wary of China’s rising power, reacted resentfully, confirming underlying systemic rivalry. This article argues that the currently disputed, or shifting, world order accounts for the diametrically opposed reactions between the West and the MENA toward China’s Health Silk Road.
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| 2 |
ID:
184744
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This article centers on the question of whether state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are instruments of China’s foreign strategy. A simplistic answer of yes or no is far from sufficient, as the positive view suffers from ignorance of SOEs’ agency, while the negative view is blind to the entrenched connections between SOEs and the government. It is obvious that SOEs have close connections with the Chinese government. However, whether these connections can be regarded as making SOEs a strategic instrument in China’s foreign policies remains to be further studied. This article starts with the various SOE-government relationship models in the ‘going out’, i.e. globalizing, endeavours of SOEs in Southeast Asia and examines the fitness and priorities of the two parties’ interests under each relationship model. The article concludes that under the government + SOE model, SOEs have long been the instruments of China’s foreign strategy. Under the SOE + government model, SOEs can be regarded as weak instruments of foreign strategy, while under the independent SOE model, SOEs are likely to function as profit-driven economic players.
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| 3 |
ID:
184746
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This article introduces a cultural theory of Chinese foreign policy based on Chinese face culture and its three-dimensional features, namely: motivation; cognition and behavior. The core promise of this theory contends that face is the cultural expression of self-esteem, which is a powerful motive that drives China’s foreign policy. With the Chinese relationalism acting as a cognitive filter, there is a distinctive approach to fulfill this desire. This article shows, first, the origin of Chinese face culture and its current usage in Chinese society. Second, it explores how each dimension of face peer finds its relevance in China’s foreign policy. Third, it examines how to operationalize face in foreign policy analysis. Finally, the theoretical and practical importance of this theory will be summarized.
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| 4 |
ID:
184747
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| Summary/Abstract |
Faced with the burgeoning NGOs in China in recent years, the Party-state has adopted a model of adaptive party building to maintain its presence and strengthen its grip over the evolving social sphere. Based on a two-year field work in Shanghai, this article finds that the new model is characterized by the party’s rigidity in the principle of social penetration and an array of flexible strategies to facilitate its entry. While promoting the party’s rapid organizational expansion in NGOs, the adaptive tactics also bring up problems, which may undermine the effectiveness of the party’s permeation in the long run. This article highlights the behaviors of the party’s agencies in the state-society interaction, which we suggest may shape the country’s grassroots political development in the future.
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| 5 |
ID:
184748
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| Summary/Abstract |
Interactions between NGOs and rural communities in China are an important yet understudied subject. By examining a water conservation project undertaken by an international NGO, this article probes how NGOs and rural communities interact through village cadres, who have considerable influence in shaping the operation and outcomes of NGO projects. In this case, the international NGO struggled to fulfill its aspirations despite making strategic adjustments to either avoid or form alliances with the village cadres. The agency problems inherent in the multiple principal–agent relationships between village cadres and the local government, between village cadres and villagers, and between village cadres and the NGO, gave rise to complicated dynamics of selective implementation by the village cadres, thus creating local constraints on the NGO’s community project.
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| 6 |
ID:
184743
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, China has attempted to expand its international power by initiating projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This article scrutinizes the potential obstacles to China’s expansion from a public opinion perspective. It argues that domestic public opinion may pose two challenges. First, xenophobic sentiments stimulate opposition to the inflow of foreigners and encourage social conflict. Second, the biased distribution of public resources between foreigners and Chinese citizens enhances the sense of inequality and relative deprivation. Nationalist sentiment plays an important role in shaping these two challenges. The authors show that the challenges can impede the implementation of expansive foreign policies. These arguments are supported by evidence from both qualitative and quantitative sources.
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| 7 |
ID:
184742
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| Summary/Abstract |
The global COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately intensified the precariousness of insecure work. This article examines the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on platform-based food-delivery drivers in China, particularly focusing on labor conditions. Drawing on 52 in-depth interviews with drivers from top Chinese food-delivery platforms, this article shows that the precarity of drivers’ work and life is dramatically amplified by the pandemic, resulting in escalating work insecurity, financial instability, and subservient class identity. More specifically, drivers struggle with increased physical risks, livelihood crisis and inflamed racism. All this results from the reorganization of algorithmic labor process and management facilitated by the coalition of food-delivery platforms and Chinese states, which results in surged workload, unpaid labor, uncompensated prolonged production time and extra investment in production assets.
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| 8 |
ID:
184750
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has witnessed rising cohabitation and robust marriage at the same time. This study uses a mixed-methods approach to examine perceptions of cohabitation and the linkage between cohabitation and marriage. Quantitative results suggest generally tolerant perceptions of cohabitation and more divided views about the delinking of cohabitation and marriage. Qualitative analyses illustrate that women embrace flexible intimacy to make the best marriage choice, while men try to link cohabitation and marriage to prove their economic capability and sexual responsibility.Under China’s materialistic turn that enhances market risks and the state-supported intimate turn that privatizes family matters, this study illustrates the persisting gender inequalities in the institution of marriage and the unique forms of Chinese modernity with a combination of traditional expectations and individualistic desires.
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| 9 |
ID:
184749
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| Summary/Abstract |
A study of autoworkers in Guangzhou, China found that Chinese workers successfully negotiated wages through collective bargaining. The emergence of collective bargaining comes from the triadic interaction among three conflicting agents: workers, local state and employers. The intention of the local state to shift labor-intensive industries towards more value-added industries and the tendency of the local police to avoid the use of violence have contributed to more political opportunities for the workers. To improve their own position and control labor unrest, regional unions form a vertical coalition with workers while autoworkers invoke their workplace bargaining power by engaging in strikes. At the same time, workers develop low risk strike strategies to reduce potential state suppression and employ anti-Japanese rhetoric to reduce pressure from management.
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| 10 |
ID:
184745
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since China initiated the Go Out (走出去战略) policy in 1999, its increasing presence and influence in Africa have led to controversial debates among scholars. This article systematizes the different perspectives on the relationship between Africa and China in the contemporary academic literature, and how these debates differ from representations of Africa’s relations with Western actors. Based on Content Configuration Analysis, the results indicate that China in Africa is constructed in relation to Africa and the West. Academic papers tend to impose a Western perspective on China’s involvement with Africa, most notably marked by neo-colonialism and development cooperation. This research highlights the shortcomings, limitations, and risks of this Eurocentric approach, and outlines alternatives to better understand China’s engagement in and with Africa.
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