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| 1 |
ID:
192219
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| Summary/Abstract |
This special issue discusses the roles played by two ‘middle powers’ in the Indo-Pacific region: Taiwan and South Korea. It examines their attempts to use regional policy to decrease their dependence on the great powers and thereby reduce their overall level of marginalisation and subordination. The two states find themselves navigating through a complex geopolitical landscape amid US–China rivalry while, at the same time, working to meet their own challenges in regional affairs. In recent years, both have aimed to diversify their relationships and expand their presence across the wider region with a ‘New Southbound Policy’ (NSP-T), in the case of Taiwan, and a ‘New Southern Policy’ (NSP-K), in the case of South Korea. Both policies are aimed at important neighbours, namely Southeast Asia and India, major recipients of Taiwanese and South Korean capital, technology, cultural influence and educational aid.
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| 2 |
ID:
185900
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This paper examines Malaysia’s evolving relations with China during the second Mahathir administration from 2018 to 2020 in political, economic, and security aspects. While much of the foreign media portrayed the unprecedented change of government in May 2018 as an instance of “pushing back” against China, this paper refutes this simplistic view. It argues that while there were uncertainties in bilateral relations in the initial period following the election, the “Mahathir 2.0” administration ultimately renewed and reaffirmed its relationship with China on a positive note. Economically, the Mahathir 2.0 administration sought to renegotiate Malaysia’s economic relationship with China to align it with its political economy agenda. In terms of security, Prime Minister Mahathir had at first sought to form a new normative framework but later came to adopt a more assertive stand in the South China Sea dispute. At the same time, he showed a continued (but cautious) willingness to engage in defense diplomacy and military-to-military relations with China. This paper analyzes these developments in light of the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism which takes into account the systemic, domestic, and personal factors in influencing the country’s foreign policy. It also interprets these developments as exercises in hedging by a small power in an age of increasing uncertainty.
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| 3 |
ID:
192222
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Launched by President Tsai Ing-wen in 2016, the New Southbound Policy (NSP-T) aims to enhance cooperation and exchange between Taiwan and 18 countries in Southeast Asia, South Asia and Australasia. The policy is a concerted effort designed to expand Taiwan’s presence across these broad regions by leveraging Taiwan’s cultural, educational, technological and economic resources. There is no doubt that the NSP-T has yielded results in terms of economic cooperation and people-to-people exchanges between Taipei and Southeast Asia. However, with Beijing pushing forward its own agenda and, at the same time, asserting more pressure on Taiwan, there are questions about how Taiwan should respond. This article argues that China, through its enormous economic influence and constant consolidation of ‘One China Policy’ in Southeast Asia has limited the success and effectiveness of the NSP-T in the region. The impact of this ‘China Factor’ has, however, differed among Southeast Asian countries due to their distinct relationships with China. This article also argues that while China’s economic diplomacy has earned Beijing considerable influence in the region, that influence has not been translated into Southeast Asian support for its foreign policies, principles nor values – leaving Taiwan with rooms to maneuver its strategic space in the region. Therefore, several policy directions, clusters and implementations have been identified for Taiwan’s consideration in order to enhance existing Taiwan-ASEAN relations. These are: the visible and viable institutionalisation of the NSP-T; addressing existing and emerging issues in the NSP-T; and the consolidation of Taiwan-ASEAN long term connectivity.
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