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| 1 |
ID:
185965
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes an analytical framework on China’s engagement with international ideas that stresses the crucial role of Chinese bureaucracies’ deliberation. It argues that bureaucratic deliberation is influenced by three factors: orthodox bureaucratic norms, candidate ideas’ performance in policy experimentation, and bureaucratic interests. When orthodox norms decline, bureaucracies become more open to novel ideas. But only when policy experiments with a novel idea generate positive performance and when the new policy fits bureaucratic interests, can the idea be adopted. China’s adoption of Carbon Emissions Trading (ET) was influenced by the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), the deliberation within which was influenced by the change of China’s defensive position in climate governance, the unsatisfactory performance of command-and-control measures, and the NDRC’s political interests.
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| 2 |
ID:
185968
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous work addressing China’s censorship regime has primarily focused on public information from social media sites and not information shared more intimately. This article focuses on semi-private information and its impact on collective action, using an original experiment to test established censorship theories in this overlooked domain. The results suggest that censors treat information critiquing the government and calling for collective action with equal hostility, unlike in the public domain in which the former category is more likely to be disregarded. Further, this article finds evidence of human involvement in semi-private domain censorship. This study aims to complement existing literature on authoritarian control of information with a view to the regime’s effort to prevent collective action and political opportunities that can be exploited by dissent.
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| 3 |
ID:
185961
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines two key trends: China’s collaboration with other authoritarian nations and its expanding ambitions in the international human rights system. These developments fuel questions about China’s vision for the international human rights system and how China works with other repressive governments to realize its vision. In examining these questions, this article chronicles the emergence of the Like-Minded Group (LMG) in the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR or Commission) in 1999 and investigates China’s relationship with this group. The author documents that under Xi’s leadership China has shifted from a lower-profile role in which the PRC rarely attempted to weaken the international human rights architecture on its own to a now more forceful posture. Since 2017 the PRC has begun to sponsor resolutions in the Human Rights Council (HRC) to propagate its human rights views, with LMG countries as a key source of support.
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| 4 |
ID:
185971
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the development of China’s international talent policy (ITP) during 1978–2020. An analytical framework is constructed to track the profound changes of ITP and examine the main driving forces for these changes. Four main phases of ITP development are identified through analyzing significant changes in the four core components of China’s ITP, including guiding frameworks, hierarchy of goals, policy instruments, and governance institutions. The driving forces mainly include crises and policy problems, the authoritative CCP leadership, and government responses to crises/problems. It is concluded that the stable and authoritative leadership in a centralized government is the key to profound policy changes without fundamentally shifting the ultimate policy goal, but lacking societal forces can be problematic especially when the government role becomes weakened.
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| 5 |
ID:
185962
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is the first to systematically study and compare the criminal repression of civic NGOs under the rule of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. The crackdown is analyzed against the evolution of NGO governance strategy that has bifurcated into co-option and repression. Under Xi’s administration, the mode of repression has escalated from hooligan-style intimidation to law-based systematic crackdown, facilitated by an increasingly authoritarian legality. Underlying this escalation is the paradigm shift of governance strategy from ‘maintaining stability’ to ‘consolidating state security.’ Consequently, NGOs with evident pro-liberal inclination, mass mobilization capacities, and/or closer associations with ‘hostile forces’ are most vulnerable to persecution. This article concludes by gauging the impact of the crackdown on advocacy NGOs and suggesting possible scenarios for future rights activism.
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| 6 |
ID:
185966
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article combines semantic network and critical discourse analysis to examine China’s official cybersecurity discourse from 1983 to 2018. By integrating the securitization theory and positioning theory, it shifts the analytical focus from ‘threat politics’ to ‘power politics’ by theorizing securitization as a dynamic power game. Three historical phases of cybersecurity discourse are identified, reflecting China’s evolved understanding of the issue and how it defines rights, obligations and power relations among involved actors. Though the state's self-positioning evolved across time, first as a modernization planner, then an authoritarian paternalist, and ultimately a rising power; all three stages demonstrate continuity in featuring a state-society power relationship with the state in the presiding position to securitize the Internet instrumentally toward pursuing its policy and strategic goals.
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| 7 |
ID:
185960
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ‘gridded management’ system is officially highlighted as playing a key role in China’s combat against COVID-19. Relying largely on the Maoist ideology of the ‘Mass Line,’ this system appears to effectively mobilize the people at the most grassroots level in the ‘war against COVID-19.’ This article, drawing upon a critical examination of this ‘People’s War’ from a Foucauldian governmentality perspective, discusses the violation of human rights and dignity and argues that the violations are inherent in the binary and utilitarian ideology of the ‘Mass Line’ deployed by the mobilizational party. As this methodology is embedded in China’s social management agenda raised by Xi Jinping in 2017, this article sheds crucial light on the ‘Chinese vision of human rights’ and China’s governance model today.
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| 8 |
ID:
185963
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| Summary/Abstract |
How did distributed solar power generation (DSPG) rise to prominence in China? Was there a causal link between China’s industrial policies and its achievements in solar photovoltaic (PV)? Drawing on regime research, this article responds to such inquiries by delving deeply into the development course of this sector and thereby illuminating the role of policy ‘niches’. Supplementing the dominant structural analyses that account for why industrial policies worked in China, insights generated from a regime analysis provide answers to the crucial question of how this specific industry came about and gained strength within China’s governing system. It was found that as carriers of policy directives, demonstration projects functioned as niches and the pertinent fruits generated therein were converged into the constituent ingredients of the new DSPG regime. But, this process owes its success more to fortuity than rationality. A processual analysis focusing on niche and regime shaping sheds light on some latent and nebulous aspects of industrial management in China such as policy legacies, layering, patching, and contingency.
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| 9 |
ID:
185970
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| Summary/Abstract |
Urbanization in China has involved not only the large-scale transfer of population from rural to urban areas through processes of labor migration and land dispossession, but also the re-designation of rural areas and populations as urban through top-down administrative conversion. Despite their significant role in accelerating rural urbanization, in situ processes of administrative-territorial change have remained under-examined in the literature. Drawing on a national survey of 40 townships, this article sheds light on the strategies by which territorial urbanization is achieved at the township level. By comparing the socioeconomic profiles, employment, land ownership, housing conditions, and social welfare coverage of 3,229 respondents, the article demonstrates how different pathways of territorial urbanization map onto differentiation in livelihoods among urbanized rural residents.
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| 10 |
ID:
185969
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through a quantitative analysis of Taiwan–related legislation between 1979 and 2020, the article finds that the degree of Taiwan–related legislation is significantly correlated with the degree of tension in U.S.—China relations. While a deteriorating cross–Taiwan Strait relationship is clearly associated with the increasing legislative activities for the sake of Taiwan, an improving relationship from the state of fair to good cannot guarantee a decrease of such activities. A unified government and the extent of the Taiwan lobby are both helpful in passing pro–Taiwan acts but statistically insignificant. A content analysis of pro–Taiwan bills approved by the Trump administration suggests a creeping movement to “normalize” U.S–Taiwan relations with congressional activism and the less-restrained White House as a co–engine.
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