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| 1 |
ID:
186131
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| Summary/Abstract |
The US public holds more nuanced views about China than are typically captured in public opinion surveys. Empirical investigation of a nationwide online survey of US adults shows that the American public is sharply divided over the US–China trade war, despite reporting high support for international trade with China (76%). Using survey questions on US–China trade and the trade war, a typology was developed that indicates more than 40% of US adults support trade with China but oppose the trade war. A slightly smaller share has a more economically militant view of trade with China, supporting trade and the trade war. Political identity is strongly associated with attitudes toward the trade war, but only weakly associated with attitudes toward trade with China. Perceptions about China and its government, people, and culture are highly correlated with views on trade with China but are unrelated to views on the trade war.
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| 2 |
ID:
186138
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the experience of four asset management companies (AMCs) or ʽbad banks’ established in China in 1999 to address a systemic build-up of non-performing loans (NPLs). It describes the modalities of NPL transfers across several rounds of government interventions. It explains the AMCs evolving asset structure, funding and operations, with particular focus on a significant change in their business model. Overall, AMCs have helped stabilize the Chinese financial sector, albeit at a substantial fiscal cost. While they became permanent features of the financial system, the expansion of non-core activities has reduced their ability to perform their original function and generated additional systemic risk. Recent developments point to a renewed role, although a deeper reform of the NPL market will also be needed.
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| 3 |
ID:
186136
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the mid-1990s, the operational doctrine of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has increasingly focused on jointness. For two decades, however, the PLA’s organizational structure did not adapt accordingly. A major reform was eventually passed in 2015, with the establishment of a new joint operational command system. This 20-year institutional lag is explained by the changing pattern of civilian intervention in military affairs. Even more than doctrinal change, organizational change is likely to be met with resistance from within the military. A facilitating role is then played by civilians who provide external support to pro-reform senior military officers. Yet, such external support depends on the state of civil–military relations, which determines the room for civilian intervention in the military sphere.
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| 4 |
ID:
186130
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s impact on the world has been increasing in the past few decades. How is the rest of the world reacting to China’s rise? One way to answer this question is to study public attitudes toward China. This article examines the trends, patterns, and determinants of public attitudes toward China in other countries by analyzing data from opinion surveys in the years 2005 to 2018. Two motivating hypotheses guide this article’s analyses. First, public attitudes toward China in developing or less-developed countries are economy-oriented, with China’s involvement in a local economy leading to a more positive attitude toward the country. Second, public attitudes toward China in developed countries are ideology-oriented, with an emphasis on values and beliefs. The study concludes that public opinion on China has experienced a downward trend overall, especially in developed and democratic countries. Moreover, China’s foreign direct investment in a given country is positively associated with favorable opinion, while Chinese exports to other countries are negatively associated with favorable opinion.
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| 5 |
ID:
186135
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| Summary/Abstract |
Increasingly, policymakers, observers and scholars are calling for including China in nuclear arms-control efforts. Missing from debates, however, is a thorough analysis of Chinese perspectives. Drawing extensively on Chinese-language sources, this article traces the evolution of arms-control views among Chinese strategists and experts during the last decade. Updating earlier scholarship, we find that most Chinese strategists tend to view arms-control efforts through a strongly realpolitik prism. Many lament US domination of the arms-control agenda and believe US initiatives are intended to undermine Chinese nuclear deterrence. In recent years, these views have hardened. Chinese strategists increasingly see arms control as an arena for zero-sum military and political struggle.
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| 6 |
ID:
186134
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| Summary/Abstract |
Territorial disputes over the East and South China Sea have been an issue of growing policy concern in East Asia in recent years. These maritime territorial disputes, as the authors argue in this study, constitute a contextual factor undermining China’s soft power in East Asia. More specifically, this study quantitatively demonstrates that all else equal, citizens are less likely to take a positive view of China’s influence on their respective countries with maritime territorial disputes with China than in countries without such disputes with China. This key result suggests a clear international distributional implication of maritime territorial disputes overlooked in the existing literature on China’s soft power. This study cautions against one-sided views on a China’s soft power whether purely optimistic or skeptical, in contemporary political analyses.
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| 7 |
ID:
186133
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| Summary/Abstract |
The phrase ‘work to build a community with a shared future for mankind’ became the guiding slogan of Chinese foreign policy in 2017. Beneath its smooth surface, the concept contains several layers of complex and sometimes contradictory meanings. Among other things, it seeks to position China both as one among many developing countries, treating all as equals, and as a major world leader that exerts influence over other states and the international system. The concept is thus at once both egalitarian and hierarchical. Along with the core concept, Chinese foreign policy articulates niche discourses on ethno-cultural identity, Marxism, and human rights that are targeted at special audiences. The writings of leading Chinese international-relations intellectuals tend to reveal a more emphatically hierarchical view of the international system, with China at the top, than is explicit in China’s official rhetoric. Xi’s international message has been promoted energetically by domestic media and promoted tirelessly on the international stage, with adaptations appropriate to diverse audiences. The Chinese message has met with a mixed reception abroad. China’s rhetoric of cooperation is seen by many in other countries as a cover for self-interested strategic motives.
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| 8 |
ID:
186132
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sino-phobia, which has reportedly grown internationally during the COVID-19 pandemic, is a potential obstacle to China’s economic and foreign policy initiatives involving Russia and Central Asia. After providing historical and theoretical context, the authors analyse publicly reported time-series data from Russia and original survey data from Russia and Kyrgyzstan to assess the extent of Sino-phobic attitudes and their associations with demographic, socioeconomic, and geographic variables. By also considering attitudes toward Americans and other national groups, the authors show that anti-Chinese sentiment, while high, does not exhibit especially pronounced tendencies. In Russia, nationalism and anti-immigrant sentiment are key correlates of Sino-phobia. Additional survey research is necessary to assess the impact of COVID-19 on Sino-phobia and determine whether it hinders China-friendly policies, as some observers have suggested.
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| 9 |
ID:
186139
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study explores the conditions under which China complies with the international norms of banning the trade in endangered species using tiger bones and ivory cases. Why did China ban the ivory trade but attempt to allow the trade in tiger derivatives? The authors traced the key policies formulated by Chinese policymakers during 1981–2018. Drawing upon norm localization theory, the authors find that domestic policy preferences played a key role in linking domestic and international norms. Chinese policymakers actively chose ideas to advance their policy preferences, and this localization process reaches beyond a static fitting process between domestic-international norms. This finding has implications for wildlife policies in developing countries and sheds light on China’s wildlife policy development following the outbreak of coronavirus.
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| 10 |
ID:
186137
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| Summary/Abstract |
Are evaluation targets negotiable in China’s cadre evaluation system? If so, which ones and how are they negotiated? Little empirical work answers these questions, which reveals the reconciliation of political control with local governance considerations in a centralized system. This article bridges the literature on bureaucratic bargaining with that on the target responsibility system by examining intra-governmental bargaining in the performance target-setting process. In-depth interviews reveal a “tournament“ logic of target-setting bargaining. Drawing on interviews and an original dataset of personnel rules, we conceptualize and classify performance targets based on their negotiability. The findings bring to light the presence of bargaining, albeit bounded, in the top-down rational-instrumental mechanism of the target responsibility system, and the intricate relationship between merit and personal connections in political selection.
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