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| 1 |
ID:
186036
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on expert interviews (n = 75) conducted between October 2018 and July 2019 in selected Russian regions, the authors identify several types of strategies used by businesses while dealing with the government. These include collusion, revolving-door affiliations, conflict of interest, ‘voluntary’ donations and other forms of support to the ruling party (and sometimes the opposition parties) in exchange for public contracts or preferential treatment. The study outcomes suggest that it is almost impossible to do business in Russia without using these types of strategies. The authors trace some of these forms back to the Soviet period and discuss possible remedies.
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| 2 |
ID:
186039
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| Summary/Abstract |
History museums, their narratives of a nation’s past and their construction of collective memory are important but oft-neglected dimensions in international relations analyses. This article examines three border history museums on the Chinese side of the formerly contested Sino–Russian frontier. It argues that their nationalist representations of Sino–Russian history challenge assessments of the recent level of rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing on the international stage and the robustness of a possible future alliance or semi-alliance. Hence, this article raises the question of the role of historical memory in the evolution of the Sino–Russian partnership since the fall of the USSR.
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| 3 |
ID:
186034
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drawing on a 2018 survey on a convenience sample of 716 Serbian and 393 Croatian legal professionals, we assess their attitudes towards Serbian and Croatian judiciaries against their key dimensions: independence, efficiency, quality, and fairness and impartiality. Legal professionals in both countries have little confidence in their judiciary, which we take as a proxy for legitimacy. Hence, both judiciaries are faced with an internal crisis of legitimacy. Respondents also scored judiciaries low on each of the key dimensions, while regression analysis confirmed that these attitudes are strong predictors of legitimacy. The results indicate that apparent differences in historical trajectories have not undermined common post-transitional political struggles over the role of judiciaries.
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| 4 |
ID:
186033
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do citizens in democratic states allow governments to monitor them? Studies note that consent to surveillance to a large extent depends on trust in public institutions. But how is surveillance legitimised in states where this kind of trust is low, as in most of the European postcommunist countries? Using data from three former communist states, this study investigates the role of trust in close social networks. The results show that so-called ‘particular social trust’ may work as a substitute for trust in institutions. Particular social trust may produce legitimacy for policy measures, in this case, surveillance.
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| 5 |
ID:
186038
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| Summary/Abstract |
As a major external actor, the European Union prioritises its normative agenda while interacting with Central Asia. This article scrutinises how the very notion of ‘European values’ and the promotion of these values by the European Union are perceived by intermediate elites in Kazakhstan. The article argues that Kazakh opinion-makers distinguish between ‘European’ political values and cultural values. Based on how these two dimensions are interpreted, three categories of perceivers are identified and discussed in detail: ‘opponents’, ‘moderate supporters’ and ‘ardent supporters’ of the EU normative policies. The article also discusses some of the factors shaping those perceptions.
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| 6 |
ID:
186037
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The article investigates how Russian state and non-state actors promote religious narratives in the Middle East and what influence these narratives have on foreign policy. Adopting the interpretivist perspective, it combines critical discourse analysis and process tracing for the period 2011–2018. Two major narratives are identified: a specifically Orthodox narrative and a narrative grounded in Christian and broader spiritual values as well as inter-religious dialogue. The findings show that these religious narratives target strategically Middle Eastern and international audiences, generating various interactions and legitimising Russian foreign policy, including its military intervention in Syria.
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| 7 |
ID:
186035
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article explores Russia's ‘turn to the East’ and examines different and often conflicting visions of development that emerged in the process of reconstructing the Russian Far Eastern development strategy at regional and federal levels. It draws on a ‘thick’ case study of the special investment regime, Free Port Vladivostok, which exemplifies simultaneously a new approach to regional development and the contradictions spawned by it. Analysis of Free Port Vladivostok represents an entry point into a discussion of Russian neoliberalisation and ‘actually (non-)existent neoliberalism’.
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| 8 |
ID:
186032
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the relationship between socialist Yugoslavism and national minorities in a crucial phase of Yugoslavia's post-World War II evolution. It focuses on the contested multicultural Upper Adriatic borderland, specifically on the city of Rijeka–Fiume, the main Italian minority centre in the Federation. Considering both local and broader federal dynamics, as well as Yugoslavia's nascent non-aligned foreign policy, this urban-centred analysis suggests that the insistence on Yugoslavism produced significant contradictions in political relations towards minorities, contributing to the evolution of socialist Yugoslavia's ideological and political system in the early 1960s.
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