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| 1 |
ID:
186961
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| Summary/Abstract |
The February 2022 military invasion of Ukraine by President Vladimir Putin, which overturned the very foundations of the world order, was not the result of a recent change in Putin’s thinking or personality; rather it was the inevitable outcome of the Russian policy of imperialism ongoing since the early 2000s. The assertions of former reformist leaders who ingratiated themselves to Putin after 2003, such as Anatoly Chubais, are accurate predictions of Putin’s behavior today. In particular, the Putin administration’s policy shift in June 2006 from an emphasis on “territorial integrity” to an emphasis on the “right to self-determination” is the basis for the subsequent war in Georgia, the annexation of Crimea, and today’s Ukraine problem. The West and Japan did not realize the seriousness of the policy shift in 2006 and continued their policy of appeasement toward Russia, resulting in the current situation. There will be no radical change in Russia after Putin.
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| 2 |
ID:
186960
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although Japan and Ukraine are geographically distant countries, since 1992 when Japan opened an embassy in the newly independent Ukraine, the two countries have enjoyed favorable diplomatic relations. The author, former Ambassador of Japan to Ukraine, describes developments in the relationship, outlines Japan’s assistance and support of Ukraine, and discusses establishment of the G7 Ambassadors’ Support Group for Ukraine in 2015. In his capacity as Chairman of this group, the author reviews various reforms in healthcare, judicial, and political fields in Ukraine that were supported by the G7 Ambassadors Support Group. In spite of Russia’s invasion, the author believes that the reforms made in Ukraine will not be lost.
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| 3 |
ID:
186959
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| Summary/Abstract |
Article 2 of the United Nations Charter stipulates that UN members settle international disputes by peaceful means and refrain from the threat or use of force. This commitment represents the most important agreement humankind has constructed in international relations after World War II. In defiance of this agreement, Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. This article first discusses similar historical cases and notes that it is necessary for international society to stay prepared for similar crises. On the premise that such emergencies will continue to recur, the author presents eight lessons that should be learned by the international community from the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
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| 4 |
ID:
186963
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the aims of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine. Since the Kremlin has stated several different reasons for its invasion, there have also been several different interpretations over what Putin’s real war objectives are and whether his decision making was rational or not. By revealing inconsistency in Russia’s declared goals and actions as well as analyzing the shift in Putin’s political discourse of nationalism, this article argues that his goal is not to stop NATO’s expansion or “protect the Russians from genocide” in eastern Ukraine, but to oust the Zelensky regime and to put Ukraine under Russia’s control. Thus, even though Russia has changed its strategy to the “liberation” of Donbas so far, it is likely that Russia will prolong the war to reorganize the troops and to seize the entire Ukraine.
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| 5 |
ID:
186965
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the distancing of the EU from Xi Jinping and the strengthening of relations with Japan in the context of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy in 2021, we are witnessing the birth of a new political paradigm binding Europe to Asia based on the values of democracy and the rule of law. The ongoing war in Ukraine, the recent US shift which shows disinterest in European affairs, and the creation of AUKUS are factors that might enhance the future role of the FOIP or risk to weaken it. This contribution aims to highlight and analyze these factors, questioning the future of this strategy and suggesting paths that can make its implementation more effective, in order to exploit all the possibilities that may be offered through its agenda and ensuring the maintenance of the international liberal order.
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| 6 |
ID:
186958
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the Russian invasion of Ukraine drags on, the international community wonders how and when it will end. What will Russian President Vladimir Putin do from now on and how will Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky respond? This article examines the options available to each. Then the author reviews two conflicts experienced by Japan, one in the modern era and the other in the 1600s, and notes the lesson to be learned from them.
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| 7 |
ID:
186962
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| Summary/Abstract |
As the war in Ukraine becomes protracted, there is discourse comparing China and Russia as tyrannical states versus states based on the principles of democracy. However, while China appears to support Russia’s opposition to NATO’s eastward expansion, it abstained from voting on the resolution condemning Russia in the UN General Assembly, and, at the same time, China has shown consideration for Ukraine by saying that it values sovereignty and that Ukraine is no exception. China’s response seems by no means simple.
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