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| 1 |
ID:
105422
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2010 midterm elections are consequential not only in terms of the candidates who were elected to office, but also in terms of the government policies that they will enact. High on the list of important policies is the decennial practice of drawing new redistricting plans for legislative offices. A new census reveals population shifts that will result in a reallocation of congressional seats among the states through apportionment and-following U.S. Supreme Court rulings in the 1960s-a re-balancing of congressional and state legislative district populations within states that aims to give fast-growing areas more representation and slow-growing areas less. Of course, much more than an innocuous administrative adjustment occurs during the process of redistricting. The individuals who draw districts are keenly aware that district lines may affect the fortunes of incumbents, political parties, and minority voters' candidates of choice.
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| 2 |
ID:
096071
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| 3 |
ID:
117610
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Revolution of 1911 in China not only put an end to the feudal monarchy that had lasted several centuries but also opened a new chapter, the era of republicanism in China. The founding of the Republic of China led to the proliferation of political parties, the thriving of legislative organs and the emergence of a cabinet system. However, historical evolution does not always conform to people's expectations. Revolutionary ideals could not be fully realised in a country which had been dominated by authoritarianism for thousands of years. As a result, Western-style democracy failed to take root in Republican China. Instead of embarking on a journey towards democracy, prosperity and independence, China gradually descended into a state where warlords took control and plunged the whole country into conflict.
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| 4 |
ID:
133658
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The problems with American politics today stem from the basic design of U.S. political institutions, exacerbated by increasingly hostile polarization. Unfortunately, absent some sort of major external shock, the decay is likely to continue for the foreseeable future.
The creation of the U.S. Forest Service at the turn of the twentieth century was the premier example of American state building during the Progressive Era. Prior to the passage of the Pendleton Act in 1883, public offices in the United States had been allocated by political parties on the basis of patronage. The Forest Service, in contrast, was the prototype of a new model of merit-based bureaucracy. It was staffed with university-educated agronomists and foresters chosen on the basis of competence and technical expertise, and its defining struggle was the successful effort by its initial leader, Gifford Pinchot, to secure bureaucratic autonomy and escape routine interference by Congress. At the time, the idea that forestry professionals, rather than politicians, should manage public lands and handle the department's staffing was revolutionary, but it was vindicated by the service's impressive performance. Several major academic studies have treated its early decades as a classic case of successful public administration.
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| 5 |
ID:
127460
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| 6 |
ID:
001856
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| Publication |
California, Annual Reviews, 1998.
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| Description |
xx,477p.
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| Standard Number |
0-8243-3301-2
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Copies: C:2/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 042848 | 320.05/POL;1-2 042848 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
| 042849 | 320.05/POL;1-2 042849 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
109147
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent decades, armed groups have shown an increased interest in creating political parties to take part in institutional politics. By using these political wings to participate in elections and win public office, some of them have gained enormous political power. However, despite the important real-world implications of this trend, the existing literature on the topic is still underdeveloped. This article contributes to a better understanding of this subject by examining the factors that motivate armed groups to set up a political wing and compete in elections and by assessing how political participation affects an armed group's strategic outlook. The hypotheses on political wing formation and development are tested by analyzing the decision-making patterns of Hizballah. The findings suggest that the political involvement of armed groups does not follow a linear development process from armed to political organization, but instead assumes cyclical patterns: political accommodation and armed struggle are chosen in turn in response to shifts in the relation and the internal balance of power between a given group's political and armed wings.
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| 8 |
ID:
111603
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| 9 |
ID:
172340
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How do autocratic ruling parties gain power? What predicts their durability and how they fall? This article introduces the Autocratic Ruling Parties Dataset, the first comprehensive data set on the founding origins, modes of gaining and losing power, ruling tenures, and other characteristics of autocratic ruling parties. It covers all ruling parties in the world from 1940 to 2015. Contrary to common assumptions, most ruling parties are not created by sitting dictators, but follow a range of paths to power that influence their style and duration of rule. To illustrate the data’s uses, the article confirms that ruling parties stabilize autocracies. Further, parties’ origins and histories matter, with revolutionary and foreign-imposed parties the most durable and parties empowered through elections the least durable. By recognizing ruling parties’ heterogeneity, histories, and potential autonomy from individual dictators, the data can contribute to open questions on autocratic politics, regime stability, and democratization.
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| 10 |
ID:
106282
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| 11 |
ID:
149525
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| 12 |
ID:
133485
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the State Assembly elections round the corner, mainstream political parties and separatists here are gearing up with their respective agendas. Many new political equations and alliances are expected to come to the fore in the upcoming polls, in Jammu and Kashmir, slated at the end of this year.
The contest will be close for several stalwarts and many new faces will emerge on the political horizon of the state. Though bijli, pani and sadak (electricity, water and roads) will remain the main focus of the election manifesto of several political parties, resolution of Kashmir issue, abrogation of Article 370 (that provides special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir) and rehabilitation for Kashmiri Pandits will find equal importance on their respective agendas. Prof. Farooq Fayaz, a prominent historian, author and director Academic Staff College, University of Kashmir, observes that apart from focusing on good governance, all political parties have their own roadmaps to follow
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| 13 |
ID:
138282
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The three televised leaders’ debates dominated the 2010 general election campaign. The House of Lords Communications Committee report on Broadcast General Election Debates is the product of a welcome but belated public inquiry into their organisation and conduct. The report is supportive of the view that ‘broadcast general election debates should take place during future campaigns’ and makes a number of cautious recommendations to the broadcasters. At the time of writing it was unclear whether the format proposed by the broadcasters for 2015 would be an improvement on that for 2010—or even if there would be any debates at all.
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| 14 |
ID:
176075
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Eric Hobsbawm will forever be a giant intellectual figure. Yet, an aspect of his work is underappreciated—the case for a more pluralistic, dynamic and intellectually inquiring Labour Party. As such, his political thought is particularly relevant given the recent election of Keir Starmer, and the avowed quest for ‘unity’ in bringing Labour back to power. Hobsbawm came to believe that political strategies which sought to exploit social and political stratification and conflict—such as vilifying reformist political movements and those of moderate persuasion—doomed Labour to permanent opposition. A broad‐based people’s party, uniting objectives of solidarity and aspiration, was the only viable class politics. Although from the Marxist tradition, Hobsbawm believed Labour’s purpose was to make liberal democracy function more effectively, rather than creating an alternative economic and political system. Suggesting conflict was more suited to kung fu movies, Hobsbawm’s predominant theme of ‘anti‐factionalism with a purpose’ remains apposite today.
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| 15 |
ID:
145546
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Adroit Publishers, 2016.
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| Description |
xvii, 377p.: table, figurehbk
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| Standard Number |
9788187393085
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058694 | 954.5498/KHA 058694 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
072572
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| 17 |
ID:
135575
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political landscape of India witnessed a historical about-turn when the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) decisively ended the decade-long political monopoly of the Indian National Congress (INC). it goes without saying that the unprecedented victory of the BJP in the recent elections has out-distanced even its own major success of 1998. No doubt, there are a number of crucial factors which paved the way for its resounding success. one of course, is the political and ideological vacuum created by the rival INC. this said, however, this paper seeks to uncover other distinct and multifaceted factors which led to the overwhelming rise of the tide of Hindutva, and this despite the fact that India is touted as being a secular and pluralistic democratic state.
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| 18 |
ID:
131979
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
We know little of the internal governing practices of non-state actors once in control of territory. Some territories have witnessed the establishment of new institutions of public goods remarkably similar to state institutions. This article compares four armed political parties governing territory during the Lebanese civil war. These non-state violent actors established complex political and economic institutions and administrative structures. Despite the wide range of ideologies and identities of these actors, they all converged in their institutional priorities, although not in their capacities or the particular ways of achieving those priorities. Data from interviews and the actions of the armed political parties suggest a combination of ideology and desire for control is causal in generating public institutions, partly attributable to the high degree of citizen activism marking the Lebanese case.
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| 19 |
ID:
027420
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| Publication |
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1970.
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| Description |
ix, 317p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 010597 | 320.941/LIE 010597 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 20 |
ID:
139903
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| Publication |
DelhI, Konark Publishers Pvt Ltd., 1988.
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| Description |
xii, 154p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
8122000770
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029268 | 954.04/SHA 029268 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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