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| 1 |
ID:
187297
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| Summary/Abstract |
Universities have long been seen as hotbeds of student activism. Yet institutions of higher education differ in their capacity to serve as mobilising structures. This study argues that history of activism, quality of education and local political climate influence a university’s potential to foster student protest engagement. Using a case study approach, the essay traces how a configuration of structural and cultural factors at three universities in western Siberia shaped Russian students’ involvement in the 2017 anti-corruption protests. At the same time, it demonstrates how universities in contemporary Russia are used as an instrument of authoritarian control to suppress anti-regime mobilisation.
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| 2 |
ID:
187292
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chinese campuses have been remarkably calm since the post-1989 repression. Yet, the absence of contention masks profound changes in the party-state’s campus management tactics, exemplifying the different approaches authoritarian regimes employ to regiment students. Based on fieldwork before and after Xi Jinping’s rise to power (2012), we analyse the party-state’s move from a ‘corporatist’ to a ‘partification’ strategy on campus. Contrary to the literature that sees apathy and depoliticisation as the goal of the party-state’s management of campuses, we argue that these changes reveal the regime’s apprehension about student alienation from official political channels and constitute an effort to reverse it.
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| 3 |
ID:
187295
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay focuses on the role of patriotic socialisation amongst a selected sample from the cohort born in the early 1980s. This understudied group occupies a unique space in Russia’s societal and political developments, including Putin-era patriotic education. The qualitative case study shows that respondents’ personal and positive memories of the Soviet-era patriotism have no positive connection with the current patriotic education. While they acknowledge the virtues of official patriotism, they are also critical of certain aspects, in particular, its militaristic emphasis.
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| 4 |
ID:
187296
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| Summary/Abstract |
What tools do authoritarian regimes possess for responding to new political and socio-economic threats? This essay presents a case study of the 2014–2019 reorganisation of the Belarusian Republican Youth Union (Bielaruski respublikanski sayuz moladzi—BRYU), a government-controlled administrative mass organisation. It shows that, in the spirit of the regime's paradigm shift in domestic policy towards ‘soft Belarusianisation’ and participatory authoritarianism, the BRYU became a mobilisation tool, instrumentalised for popularising a Belarusian cultural revival and endorsing local civic activism. Paradoxically, these new functions unharnessed young people's agency within the BRYU in a way that would backfire, for instance, during the Belarusian crisis of 2020.
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| 5 |
ID:
187293
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay addresses a neglected subject: the role of youth in the socialist transformation of Yugoslav society. Its purpose is not to deny the voluntary engagement of young men and women in this endeavour, but to shed new light on how young workers were mobilised for factories and work actions. The regime’s expectations of youth were unrealistically high, yet young people in the 1950s and early 1960s endured inadequate education, scarce job opportunities, low living standards and low social status. The study is based on material from the Archives of Yugoslavia and Serbia and selected periodicals.
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| 6 |
ID:
187298
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay discusses the interplay of nationalism and internationalism amongst Soviet youth from the 1960s to the early 1980s, arguing that there was much that united the language, underlying concepts and problems of these political agendas. More than that: they were mutually constitutive, while mobilising youth and generating enthusiasm and anger on a large scale. At the same time, national and international questions became more republicanised in these years: they were experienced and tackled differently across the republics. To show this, the essay discusses a range of archival materials and published sources from Soviet Armenia, Central Asia and Ukraine.
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| 7 |
ID:
187300
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay investigates the mechanisms that led to a wave of protest rap in Bishkek in the first half of 2020. Based on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork, it draws on interviews and observation to include the perspective of the musicians themselves. It finds that the protest songs were facilitated both by a context of social mobilisation and by shifts in the rappers’ terms of bargaining that eventually led them to release the songs.
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| 8 |
ID:
187294
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| Summary/Abstract |
Combating illegal parking and drinking in public is the raison d’être of Russia's best-known law-and-order youth initiatives, StopKham and Lev Protiv. These initiatives enforce and promote neotraditional morals amongst young people by challenging alleged offenders on camera and uploading the entertaining, humorous and often violent video clips to YouTube. I argue that their practices encapsulate flexible authoritarianism, in which the regime incentivises citizens to take initiative while expanding repressive measures against dissenters. Not only do these enterprises reflect the regime's goals back at itself, they also popularise a new ideal of heroic masculinity that fuses patriotism with entrepreneurialism.
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| 9 |
ID:
187291
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| Summary/Abstract |
Analysing youth as a political agent offers a distinct perspective on the ways in which political regimes build their community, the extent to which they can influence the behaviour and opinions of society, and how a part of society reacts to such attempts. The introduction to this special issue demonstrates how young people have engaged politically over time and their changing political values by rooting these components within the overarching question of the relationship between political, economic and cultural regimes and youth. A further aim is to illuminate the links between the various contributions to the collection and to provide a cohesive conceptual framework for the analysis of youth and politics. The proposed research agenda and central questions can guide future investigations related to the conceptualisation of youth and the mobilisation of young people. Studying young people across the (formerly) communist space allows us to uncover particularly fascinating generational dynamics given the profound ruptures that have occurred across the region. Studying the region through the prism of generational change and continuity enables an understanding of the intersection between global and national or local dynamics and the political values and agency of young people.
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| 10 |
ID:
187299
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| Summary/Abstract |
Political attitudes are generally analysed within the context of a given nation-state, even if they reflect responses to regional or global developments. Little attention has been paid to the potentially moderating role of personal transnational experiences (travel, migration, remittances) on individual attitudes. Based on two cross-sectional online surveys conducted in 15 cities across Russia in 2018 and 2019, this essay assesses the extent to which personal transnational experiences play a role in the domestic and foreign policy preferences of young Russians. Our analysis finds a consistent relationship between transnational experiences and the attitudes of young Russians.
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