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| 1 |
ID:
023550
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| Publication |
March 28, 2003.
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| Description |
61-64
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| 2 |
ID:
037848
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| Publication |
Havana, Social Sciences Publishers, 1980.
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| Description |
962p
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 018869 | 327.1713/CON 018869 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
145526
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| Summary/Abstract |
It must come as no surprise that traces of any continuing relevance of the ‘Bandung spirit’ are enthusiastically being sought in the wake of the sixtieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference. It was the first high-profile formal conference of newly independent (or ‘about-to-be independent’) post-colonial states at a rather momentous historical conjuncture: the continuing struggles for decolonisation were pronounced in the context of the Cold War. The Final Communiqué of the Bandung conference strongly articulated a collective political project against colonialism and imperialism, and for self-determination and racial equality, while already laying the foundations for the idea of strategic non-alignment in the context of the Cold War. It is in this sense that the Bandung conference has come to be emblematic of an event that inaugurated a radically different international political landscape to the immediate post-1945 world order. In this article, the authors focus specifically on the development aspirations articulated at the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, which they argue are the site of struggles and contradictions. As the authors show, the ‘Bandung spirit’ underlined the political project of Third Worldism, as well as the call for a new international economic order in the 1970s. Yet, they also identify some constraints and contradictions that the ‘Bandung spirit’ had to navigate and the challenges it was up against. In the final part of the article, the authors briefly discuss the extent to which the ‘Bandung spirit’ continues to resonate in contemporary global politics of development.
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| 4 |
ID:
062960
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| 5 |
ID:
153117
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| Summary/Abstract |
The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures
from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India
clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social
consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not
a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved,
reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and
China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.
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| 6 |
ID:
016401
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| Publication |
March 1993.
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| Description |
25-40
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| 7 |
ID:
180244
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| Summary/Abstract |
The doctrine of non-alignment allowed India to remain aloof from the Cold War alliances while seeking to become a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The dominant view of scholarship on non-alignment is critical of India’s first prime minister, Jawahar Lal Nehru whose strategic adoption of the policy was converted into an ideology of anti-Americanism by his successors. Nehru has also been criticised for his pursuit of soft power without prioritising the acquisition of hard power. Since the end of the Cold War, Nehruvian ideas of non-alignment have been contested and replaced by neo-liberal perspectives.
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| 8 |
ID:
022461
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| Publication |
Jan-June 2002.
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| Description |
89-99
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| 9 |
ID:
060336
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| 10 |
ID:
013367
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| Publication |
April-June 1997.
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| Description |
49-57
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| 11 |
ID:
015706
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| Publication |
April 1992.
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| Description |
69-93
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| 12 |
ID:
103648
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The idea of 'Asia', as a distinct space in international politics, has generated a good deal of historical and contemporary debate. This article seeks to engage this debate by examining how the Indian state, under its first prime minister and external affairs minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, attempted to delineate certain Pan-Asian regional identities at both the 1947 Asian Relations Conference in Delhi and the 1955 Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung. It will argue that such articulations of specific Pan-Asian identities were linked to the manner in which Nehru sought to represent certain aspects of the Indian state during this period.
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| 13 |
ID:
013802
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| Publication |
Summer 1991.
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| Description |
43-51
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| 14 |
ID:
016403
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| Publication |
Dec 1991.
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| Description |
63-66
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| 15 |
ID:
014191
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| Publication |
July-Sept 1991.
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| Description |
21-38
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| 16 |
ID:
062114
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| Publication |
Jan-Mar 2005.
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| 17 |
ID:
063081
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| 18 |
ID:
184983
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties’ return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India’s relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India’s interest to swing westwards. The country’s relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act.
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| 19 |
ID:
013758
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| Publication |
Spring 1992.
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| Description |
165-182
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| 20 |
ID:
019219
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| Publication |
June 2, 2001.
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| Description |
4-5
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