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| 1 |
ID:
187925
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study argues that the current Chinese administration has attempted to institutionalize center-local relations by reforming key party-state entities, with the aim of mitigating the centralization-decentralization cycle driven by ad hoc political mobilization. On the fiscal front, these reforms aim to consolidate budget management, merging national and local tax agencies, limiting local government borrowing, and centralizing expenditure planning. On the rule-enforcement front, the reforms try to empower the judiciary and the disciplinary inspection systems by isolating them from local influences. These changes have systematically strengthened the center’s fiscal control and enhanced local compliance with national policies and rules. However, it remains to be seen whether the new structure will eventually be weighed down by local resistance, incentive issues, or changes in the center’s factional dynamics.
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| 2 |
ID:
187927
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The China-ROK boundary disputes in the Yellow Sea and the associated fishing conflict are often neglected in the rich body of literature on China’s maritime disputes. This article examines the question of why and how China has persistently pursued a de-escalatory posture in the Yellow Sea in the past decade despite having considerably hardened its posture in the East and South China Seas. I argue that the high stakes China has in its bilateral ties with South Korea create strong incentives for Beijing to deescalate maritime controversies whereas the absence of broad-based hawkish pressure at home creates a permissive domestic political climate for Beijing to pursue de-escalation. This paper also evaluates conditions that may facilitate a hardening Chinese position.
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| 3 |
ID:
187929
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article proposes an analytical framework to address why implemented autonomy outcomes may differ across ethnically-defined autonomous regions in China. The framework consists of a structural explanatory variable, inter-ethnic boundary-making processes, and an agential intervening variable, titular elites’ representation in the ethno-regional state. It is applied to a synchronic comparison of four ethno-regions with differing autonomy outcomes for 2010–2015, Xinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Ningxia. Titular elites’ representation in the ethno-regional state is used as a proxy for titular elites’ bargaining capacity with the central state. This article argues that an ‘integration-distinction balance,’ or rather, higher inter-ethnic integration combined with robust consciousness of inter-ethnic distinction, can contribute to titular elites’ representation in the ethno-regional state, which can lead to greater autonomy outcome for the ethno-region.
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| 4 |
ID:
187922
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| Summary/Abstract |
Citizenship education has been an explicit part of the universal education system in contemporary China. Using data from an original nationwide survey conducted in 2018, this study tests the hypothesis that the longer the intensity of exposure to citizenship education, the more citizens are influenced by a state-led conception of citizenship characterized by passive obedience and loyalty to the state. The study finds mixed results in that citizenship education is effective at lower educational levels, but at higher levels it is not only less effective, but instead may foster (or at minimum, does not deter) more active conceptions of citizenship.
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| 5 |
ID:
187923
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| Summary/Abstract |
It is often the conception in the literature that civil society’s major challenge in an authoritarian country like China would be from the state directly. This study utilizes over 1200 surveys conducted in Sichuan Province, 67 in-depth interviews with local government officials and CSO leaders, and case studies from communities that CSOs operated to provide an often-overlooked challenge. Based on the research in rural Sichuan, this article finds that the Chinese state at the local level does not spend a significant amount of energy directly interfering with CSOs, but uses institutional constraints to create divisions between the citizenry and CSOs. This article proposes the trialism conception in understanding civil society in authoritarian countries. The state could create conditions that reduce the confidence of individual citizens in CSOs and thus control society from the bottom up without having to apply a significant amount of direct repressions to the CSOs.
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| 6 |
ID:
187930
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| Summary/Abstract |
The literature on World War II memory in China is skewed toward the history of the occupation and victimization of the eastern provinces. This study shifts the focus to the southwestern city of Chongqing, which served as China’s temporary wartime capital and the seat of the CCP–GMD united front. Comparing distinctive thematic narratives of four state museums, this research shows that Chongqing is not an outlier in China’s memory scape, as is often presumed. Rather, it finds that these narratives draw selectively and purposefully from local experiences to instantiate and reaffirm the evolving central line. Chongqing’s story of unified resistance and joint triumph exemplifies the more inclusive and empowering new norm of war remembrance under Xi Jinping, which stresses national unity as the key to Chinese ‘greatness’.
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| 7 |
ID:
187928
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This research offers a timely examination of the functioning of China’s National Supervisory Commission (NSC) in Dr. Li Wenliang’s case. Based on the normative analysis and empirical study, this research identifies two flaws of the NSC preset by particular features of a Leninist state, which make it vulnerable to politicization in the initiation and the course of this investigation: (i) Overreliance on certain factional power distribution; (ii) Twofold identity as an anti-corruption agency and a party disciplinarian concurrently. By challenging both the institutionalization and deinstitutionalization arguments with a critical case, this research advances new theoretical knowledge on the self-defeating mechanisms compromising institutionalization in the Leninist regime and highlights the significance of differentiating subtypes of authoritarianism in the comparative study of institutionalization.
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| 8 |
ID:
187924
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In recent years, the relationship between China’s Communist Party (CCP) and its state-owned enterprises (SOEs) has tightened. However, the impact this has had on SOE international subsidiaries remains unclear, especially vis-à-vis human resource management (HRM). This article examines recruitment and selection in Western subsidiaries of China’s largest SOEs: national oil companies (NOCs). It does so with particular attention to the experience of Chinese and Western talent. Such issues are important as scholarship increasingly suggests government involvement in SOEs serves to enhance their meritocratic, market-led conduct. However, this article argues tightening CCP-SOE subsidiary relations have neither delivered nor pursued such an end. Instead, they have carried a more opportunistic-political impetus that is: undervaluing competencies outside Party loyalty, prioritizing CCP-loyal SOE cadre development, and favoring Party or SOE-insiders. Consequently, this has weakened the subsidiaries’ business orientations and HRM practices. These insights, then, help advance understandings of political over-embeddedness within the present Chinese SOE context.
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| 9 |
ID:
187926
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sino-Kazakh negotiations concerning water distribution of cross-border rivers have reached an impasse for the past six years. This article hypothesizes that China’s stance on Sino-Kazakh cross-border river issues is fundamentally driven by China’s assessment of separatism/terrorism in Xinjiang and its national policy concerning domestic water conservation. The argument is developed using the process-tracing method. The major finding of this research is that Sino-Kazakh cross-border river cooperation is facilitated by China’s reliance on Kazakhstan as an anti-separatist/counter-terrorist partner and thwarted by China’s national securitization of domestic water resources.
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| 10 |
ID:
187931
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| Summary/Abstract |
Corrupt officials fleeing abroad with ill-gotten proceeds constitute a special challenge for the Chinese government. International cooperation to seize these fugitives often encounters roadblocks due to countries’ legal-political differences. By observing China’s burgeoning extraterritorial anti-corruption regime, this article proposes that an anti-money laundering (AML) mindset is being embraced to ‘seize the fugitives’ by ‘tracing the money’. This approach has three advantages: 1) de-complication by standardizing states’ practices and bypassing complexities inherent in orthodox means, 2) de-politicization by circumventing sensitive political concerns through pursuing fugitives and corrupt proceeds separately, and 3) leveling the playing field by rebalancing power between requested and requesting states. In-depth case studies combined with elite interviews reveal that this AML-oriented tactic has facilitated China’s capture of fugitives on foreign soils.
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