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| 1 |
ID:
188769
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study contributes to the understanding of ethnicity in local government politics in Uganda. The idea here is to explain how ethnic patriotism was possible under the circumstances in which the colonial mode of governance rigidly recognized only one official identity of the Batoro in Toro. In comparison, the study demonstrates how the response from the colonized in Kigezi set parameters outside the indirect rule politics partly because the colonial mode of governance there was flexible in as far as it recognized the multi-ethnic identity of Kigezi. Therefore, instead of focusing on the idea that the response from the colonized was always derivative, I also explore how it was dialectical. I deploy qualitative social science methodologies to study archives, literature review and oral interviews to examine three main ideas. The first idea is on how the colonial practice of homogenizing Toro served to reproduce ethnicity in politics. The second idea is that the colonial practice in Kigezi, which was flexible and other factors inspired a residence-based mode of governance. The third idea is that the colonial reforms of the 1940s served to strengthen ethnic institutions and the character of ethnic politics at the national level as opposed to democracy.
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| 2 |
ID:
188768
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the 21st century surge of populism, a debate has emerged over the relationship between nationalism and populism. Some scholars maintain these two phenomena are distinct and should be analytically differentiated; others hold the difference between the two is primarily an artifact of how the scholarship has evolved around each. To bridge these positions, this paper argues that by reorganizing our typologies of nationalism, we can better account for why populism seems to have become fused with nationalism. To do so, it introduces a new typology that distinguishes among state-creating, state-consolidating and state-defensive nationalisms. Applying this new typology, the case made is that we are experiencing a convergence of populism and nationalism today because we are currently in an era of defensive nationalism.
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| 3 |
ID:
188772
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The story of Indigenous peoples and the government of Canada in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is one of treaty violations, occupation of unceded territory, genocide, and discrimination by settlers. Progress has been immense over the last 50 years. The government of Pierre Trudeau’s 1969 White Paper called for the end of Indian Status and the Indian Act; only four years later, the Calder case recognized historical Indigenous land rights in a profound way. Nine years on, Indigenous rights were entrenched in Canada’s constitution. The strengthening of Indian status and historic land claim agreements followed. No doubt activism on the part of Indigenous peoples is a key explanatory variable. The 1970s and 1980s saw new recognition of human rights, equality, and the right to self-determination in the domestic context after the dismantling of legal segregation in North America as well as the creation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
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| 4 |
ID:
188771
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through ethnohistorical studies, this paper explores social and political perspectives during the Japanese colonization of Taiwan which led to the forced resettlement of an entire indigenous society. Ethnographic life histories and translations of official Japanese police announcements are used to explore the 1941 Neibenlu (Laipunuk) Incident (內本鹿事件), a critical event in the oral history of the Bunun, a Taiwanese (Formosan) indigenous people of the southern mountains of Taiwan. We examine the reopening of Neibenlu’s Japanese mountain trail and its police stations offering new access to Bunun heritage to inform present and future generations. The study offers an innovative account of a neglected topic of indigenous resistance to imperialism, combining oral ethnography and historical textual analysis.
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| 5 |
ID:
188767
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| Summary/Abstract |
Buildings that contribute either directly or indirectly to the formation of a national identity are typically associated with historical monuments. Mega-structures such as national football stadiums, which were built as national monuments but were designed to meet functional needs as well, play a similar role. This paper examines these mega-structures, and specifically national football stadiums, through a critical review of two such stadiums, one in England and one in France, that represent an anomaly in the European context. The paper offers a local and global perspective based on nationality, geography, and sports theories. Our findings suggest that despite the differences between the two countries, they demonstrate a consensus regarding the need to build a national stadium. While this consensus is embedded in each country's colonial past, in both cases it reflects an inner need to cope with the decline of the imperial power and with the undermining of the homogenous social structure as a result of immigration.
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| 6 |
ID:
188770
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article contributes to the research of nation-building in modern Russia. Unlike most studies in this area, based on the ethnic/civic dichotomy or using the nation/empire dilemma, the rticle proposes a discursive model of nation-building in Russia, based on the interaction of four types of nationalism: civic, multicultural, imperial and civilizational. The results of content analysis of key political documents on nation-building in modern Russia (Strategies of the state national policy, presidential addresses, Vladimir Putin’s articles) are presented and discussed. It is shown that civic nationalism with rhetorical references to civil society and its ability to build a nation from below is the most supported by the elite type of discourse on nation-building. However, in practice policy preference is given to the hegemonic state model of nation-building from “top to bottom,” dominated by a carefully veiled imperial discourse.
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| 7 |
ID:
188766
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Between 2010 and 2015, as Myanmar transitioned from authoritarian rule to a more liberal and democratic state, its Muslim population increasingly faced hate speech and violence. This article goes beyond analyses that regard the growing anti-Muslim sentiment as a consequence of a liberalized media environment, enabling people to voice long-standing grievances and prejudice. Rather, the notion of a “Muslim threat” to Myanmar’s Buddhist population is approached as the outcome of a dynamic process of securitization in which an alliance of political and religious elites was forged whose discourse changed the rules of the political field, forcing the reform-oriented opposition into strategic silence. It is argued that in the early period of liberalization, anti-Muslim frames were normalized and thus shaped the securitization of Muslims.
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