|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
188870
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The journey of the Indian Armed Forces over the last 100 years has in many ways mirrored the momentous history of the birth, struggles and victories of India. It straddles a colonial period in which the armed forces of India owed allegiance to a foreign sovereign and could readily be used to fight an alien power’s wars and promote its strategic objectives. This did not however erode the heroism and professionalism that the Indian armed forces came to be known for over two centuries. From the Afghan Wars to the Battle of Saragarhi, where a small band of Sikh soldiers wreaked havoc during a siege mounted by a numerically superior adversary, to the two great wars, and in numerous British campaigns across Asia and Africa, the Indian sepoy set the highest standards in valour. Even the apostle of peace and non-violence, Mahatma Gandhi, had served as a sergeant major of a medical ambulance corps that he had helped raise during the Second Boer War in 1899–1902 and Zulu War in 1906.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
188872
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Tanzania is a strategically located country on the eastern coast of Africa. It is an important node of China’s Maritime Silk Road project and constitutes a significant part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Under the BRI, China had envisaged that Bagamoyo would be the largest port in all of Africa, supplemented by a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), and a trans-continental railway line, making Tanzania a hub of commerce in East Africa. Bagamoyo itself is a tiny town located about 45 miles north of the former capital city Dar es Salaam.2 The port was expected to handle 20 million Twenty-foot Equivalent Units (TEU) by 2045, which is 25 times the amount of cargo the Dar es Salaam port handles.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
188869
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
India is a classic case of a ‘quasi-federal’ country. There is a plethora of literature available separately on the Indian armed forces and Indian federalism. However, the deployment of India’s Central Armed Forces in its federal units (States) is one of the most understudied and unexplained areas of research. To avert any grave disorder in the country, the Centre constitutionally enjoys power regarding the deployment of its armed forces in the federal units. However, in practice, there are various factors that come into play during the deployment. This study intends to throw light on the various aspects of force deployment: the rationale, the legal cover, and the state of civil power of the federal units during such deployment. In the process of inquiry, the study has relied on various primary sources that are available in the form of Indian Constituent Assembly Debates, the Constitution, pertinent legislations, parliamentary debates, judicial pronouncements, and government reports. In the end, the study offers certain policy recommendations for consideration.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
188871
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
An unusual, multi-dimensional conflict is underway in Europe. One dimension of this conflict is that Ukraine and Russia are engaged in seemingly endless conventional military battles on the ground in Ukraine. The other dimension is that United States (US) led North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance is arming and funding Ukraine for these battles. The alliance is also pursuing an all-out economic war against Russia through trade and financial sanctions against Russia, and Russians.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
188868
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
‘Soft Power’ has never before been explicitly stated as part of India’s foreign policy, like it has been done in the last few years. However, much remains to be done to transform India’s capacities into capabilities for an effective soft power exercise, and to be able to employ such soft power as a veritable instrument of influence. This article discusses the civilisational asset that India possesses and its potential for enhancing soft power, that is, India’s historical and civilisational ties with, and the cultural footprints thereof, in different parts of the world, especially Asia. It is argued in this article that there is an intrinsic value in underscoring this aspect of India’s contribution to the world for reasons that go beyond the narrow interests of a single nation. The current ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy of the Indian government makes room for an effective utilisation of this asset, if the discourse around it is framed carefully. The purpose of this article is threefold: to highlight the importance of this particular soft power asset of India; to address the critique of this approach in a constructive way; and to suggest a way forward in terms of concrete policy recommendations.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
188874
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Traditionally, Kautilya or Vishnugupta, is considered the author of Arthashastra. He is also known as Chanakya, the scholar and chief minister who ‘destroyed the power of the Nandas and placed Chandragupta Maurya on the throne of Magadha’ in the 4th century bc. By the name of Chanakya, he had also authored a text known as Chanakya Niti. However, there is no proper understanding in the general public about the seminal work authored by Kautilya such as the Arthashastra and Chanakya Niti. Unfortunately, the term ‘Chanakya’ is used as an adjective very loosely in media or public discourse with negative Machiavellian connotations, mainly because of lack of knowledge. Kautilya’s Arthashastra is a very different and comprehensive manual and is not the same as Chanakya Niti, as is wrongly understood by many. Considering the need to set right a common misunderstanding or confusion about these texts, this commentary aims to throw light on this literature. It first introduces in brief Kautilya’s Arthashastra followed by an introduction to Chanakya Niti and the rigorous contemporary scholarship associated with it. It also features some selected verses from Chanakya Niti.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
188866
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Militaries are the sword arm of the state, entrusted with defending the state against all threats that would harm its interests. These threats are increasingly emanating from cyberspace and militaries around the world are being called upon formally to undertake responsibility for defending against threats from this domain in addition to the existing physical domains of land, sea, air and space. The unique nature of this domain has required some restructuring on the part of the military. This has led to its own set of complications when it comes to re-alignment of organisation, recruitment of personnel, and working with other actors in the civilian space. This article looks at the cyber force structures in a number of countries to draw out the underlying logic behind the creation and modifications that the military in particular has gone through over a period of 10 years. It looks at the initial approaches, the expectations behind those approaches, and the eventual outcomes.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
188875
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Is 22 kilometres (kms) adequate enough for an emotional connection? The famed Siliguri Corridor is 22 kms wide at its narrowest point, a rectangular box of about 400 sq kms (20x22 kms), and has multi-dimensional aspects connected to it: strategic, economic, emotional and political. Have we recognised the importance of this 22 kms strip? Strategically yes, but what about other issues, which connect a nation? Have we connected with it politically and emotionally? While we have been late in recognising the importance of connecting with the corridor, both politically and emotionally, we have of late, tried to make amends with the Look East Policy (LEP) and thus, are on the right track. The North-East of India is a region of turbulence owing to its unstable political scenarios and strings of localised insurgency movements. The Siliguri Corridor being the only connecting link between India and its turbulent north-eastern region is extremely crucial, as there are major connectivity linkages such as roads and railway networks that run through it.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
188867
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Starlink, a satellite internet constellation owned by Elon Musk, provides satellite-based internet connectivity to consumers globally, and has been actively involved in guiding Ukrainian military drones and missiles against Russian military positions, thus becoming party to the ongoing Russia–Ukraine conflict and a bonafide military objective. Russia had also accused Starlink of helping the Ukrainian forces to guide and modify fire of the two Neptune missiles, which led to the sinking of the Russian warship Moskva. As a United States (US) based privately owned organisation, Starlink’s participation in an international war without formal US governmental authorisation has opened a Pandora’s Box insofar as customary international laws of armed conflict are concerned. Moscow has now declared that it would destroy Starlink’s assets in space to ensure the safety of its military in its areas of operation around Ukraine. Any attack by Moscow on a US-based satellite company’s assets has the potential to draw the US out of its strategic forbearance into the quagmire of another ‘un-winnable’ war.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
188873
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The use of social media such as Twitter by terrorist organisations to spread their propaganda and to recruit new members is well-documented. As per an estimate, there were about 46,000–90,000 Twitter accounts in 2014, which either advocated for Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or were run by supporters of the group. In 2015, Twitter reported that it had banned 1,25,000 ISIS sympathetic accounts. In 2016, it published an update that 3,25,000 accounts had been deleted. Social media empowered ISIS recruiting, thereby helping the group draw at least 30,000 foreign fighters, from over 100 countries, to the battlefields of Syria and Iraq. The social media aided the seeding of new franchises in places ranging from Libya and Afghanistan to Nigeria and Bangladesh.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|