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| 1 |
ID:
189064
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| Summary/Abstract |
More frequent adjustments in macroeconomic policies around the world after the 2008 global financial crisis and the increasing instability of global supply chains due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have presented companies which have foreign direct investment (FDI) with great difficulty in stabilising capital structure. This article attempts to investigate the impacts of FDI on the capital structure stability of Chinese companies based on the firm-level panel data from 2005 to 2019. The empirical results show that FDI has significant negative indirect impacts on both the market value and book value of capital structure volatility of host companies by changing companies' financial constraint status. These impacts vary for firms of different ownership types and weakened after the 2008 global financial crisis.
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| 2 |
ID:
189061
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do governmental divisions within an authoritarian state influence protest outcomes? In this article, the authors propose two divergent mechanisms—"co-optation" and "coercion"—to capture the relationships between types of protest target and the violence that results from protest events. The "co-optation" hypothesis proposes that protests against judicial and security branches will be more likely to become violent compared to those against the administrative ones because protesters anticipate no substantial economic return from judicial and security branches that do not have financial resources at hand to distribute. The "coercion" hypothesis proposes that protests targeting judicial and security branches pose a lower risk of mass violence than those targeting administrative ones due to the public's fear of violent crackdowns by judicial or military branches that control the state's coercive means. Analysing a unique data set of protest events in China between 2006 and 2017, the authors find that protests involving administrative divisions are significantly less likely to turn violent when compared to those opposing nongovernmental targets, while protests targeting judicial or security divisions are significantly more likely to involve mass violence. The findings suggest that protest violence in authoritarian regimes is associated with the organisational divisions within an authoritarian government, and the explanation of the relations focuses on whether the branches have the co-optation capacity to allocate substantial economic resources instead of whether the branches control the coercive forces to intimidate the public.
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| 3 |
ID:
189063
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has been active for more than six years since the start of its operations in 2016. The AIIB has developed several dispute settlement mechanisms to deal with disputes in business (with borrowers, the hosting state and debtors), as well as disputes with its employees and third parties. On the one hand, the AIIB has learnt from the experience of other development banks concerning dispute settlement mechanisms. On the other hand, the dispute settlement mechanisms it has adopted have their distinctive characteristics and, about six years in development, they are considered still nascent. This article focuses on these dispute settlement mechanisms and compares them with those of other institutions, particularly the World Bank. The authors recommend that the AIIB should commit greater efforts in building the legal framework, improving the mechanisms, maintaining a balance between institutionalisation and flexibility, and cooperating with other international organisations.
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| 4 |
ID:
189062
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This article investigates the role of soft power in China–Taiwan relations, focusing on the role of Confucius Institutes and their Taiwan counterparts, the Taiwan Education Centers. Findings have shown that China's Confucius Institutes have reduced the number of students and tourists from the host country to Taiwan, but the Institutes may promote exports from Taiwan to the host country. This positive effect suggests a spillover due to the shared language and culture. Taiwan Education Centers increase the number of international students and volume of exports from Taiwan to the host country. Taiwan's imports from the host country may be reduced, signalling spillover effects as well.
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| 5 |
ID:
189058
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While past studies have focused on how China's political elites, such as local "top leaders" or senior cadres, are promoted, there has been relatively little research, largely due to lack of data, into local middle-level cadres. This study collects a data set consisting of 582 local middle-level cadres' professional résumés and analyses the influence of such résumés on promotion. Regression results have shown that educational attainment, particularly "first degree", has the most significant impact on speed of promotion, demonstrating that "educational credentialism" is one-sided. Furthermore, the speed at which one is promoted to deputy chu (处) level greatly influences one's subsequent career acceleration; this indicates that promotion has a strong degree of continuity. The impact of cross-departmental work experience on promotion is also significant but overturns the conventional perception that those who have worked in multiple positions are more likely to be promoted. Overall, the promotion process in China is not unique as it shares several characteristics with major states that have a technocratic tendency.
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| 6 |
ID:
189059
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Most urban community studies in China rely on the state–society framework. However, this structural perspective can hardly explain the diverse modes of community governance and their changes over time. This article outlines Shenzhen's 20-year (1999–2019) history of community reform and constructs a framework based on historical institutionalism to analyse Shenzhen's community governance modes over various periods and their changes. First, diversified governance ideas and power structures constructed various community governance modes over this period. Second, community governance mode changes were embedded in local grassroots governance fields. The original governance arrangements, the policy guidance and the ideas of the dominant agencies (the Ministry of Civil Affairs and the Party) at different stages are critical in explaining the transformation of community governance modes. Third, the dominant subject's institutional bricolage within the constraints and empowerment of the institutional context was the critical mechanism of the governance mode transformation. The historical institutionalism framework for community governance transformation provides a new direction for understanding community reform and evaluating evolving local state–society relations.
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| 7 |
ID:
189065
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Based on questionnaire data of 1,298 grassroots civil servants in China, this study empirically tests the relationship between the risks perceived to be attached to accountability and the blame avoidance tendency to assess the impact of intensive accountability mechanisms adopted in China's early stages of COVID-19 (coronavirus disease 2019) containment. It is found that intensive accountability may increase the blame avoidance tendency of grassroots civil servants and, by inhibiting the public service motivation, have a negative moderating effect. Prudent accountability and positive incentives are recommended for long-term COVID-19 containment in China.
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| 8 |
ID:
189060
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article provides an insight into the characteristics and functions of grassroots environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in China by investigating the roles that personal networks play within NGOs. Empirical findings from research on environmental NGOs in four Chinese cities illustrate that personal networks contribute significantly to China's environmental movements. Personal networks are important in mobilising resources, facilitating environmental awareness and the formation of a collective identity, and promoting a coordinated action. The significance of personal networks in Chinese organisations differs greatly from that of social networks in Western European and North American environmental movements. The conclusion drawn underlines the implications that personal networks have within China's environmental politics and proposes a future research agenda.
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| 9 |
ID:
189057
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2012, Beijing has been promoting a strain of populist nationalism which underscores both the institutional superiority of the ruling party and the cultural superiority of being Chinese. At the international level, however, the image of both the regime and the Chinese has been marred due to the coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak in Wuhan (December 2019–January 2020). This study examines the extent and the form that the surge in nationalist sentiment of Chinese young people has taken during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on a questionnaire survey of 1,200 students from a sample of 20 colleges/universities in China (June–July 2020), this study shows that the respondents express high satisfaction with the state's performance in tackling the pandemic, and that there is a substantial surge of nationalist sentiment with a high level of hostility towards other nations (e.g. the United States). Such nationalist sentiment, however, is found to express a bifurcated pattern in that young Chinese also tend to embrace the opportunity to work and study in the Western societies they ostensibly dislike.
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