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1 |
ID:
189852
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Summary/Abstract |
Despite the Cold War and numerous hot wars, there is an essential continuity
in the post-war period based on the Charter International System created
in 1945. The United Nations and the associated declarations, organizations
and normative orientations remain the framework for the conduct of
international relations. At the level of international politics, orders are
created in which states contend and hegemonic formations take shape.
The Soviet-led bloc disintegrated in 1989-1991, leaving the field clear
for the U.S.-led political West to claim universality, and on that basis
seek to expand globally. However, the distinction between the system
and conjunctural political sub-order is crucial to explain the dynamics in
international affairs today.
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2 |
ID:
189851
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Summary/Abstract |
The historical period to come will be marked by conflicts and, most
likely, hostilities that are an inevitable part of the emergence of a new
international order. A fuse system that could at least mitigate the
emerging threats is vital to global security. But it is unlikely to ever be
developed without providing an answer to the question of how to ensure
the balanced functioning of the international system in the absence of
a hegemon and a clear-cut hierarchy.
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3 |
ID:
189849
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Summary/Abstract |
It is only recently that international relations experts have come
to recognize the “importance of social processes of identity
formation, culture and ideology… for the study and practice of
world politics” (Lawson, 2006, p. 3). An analysis of common historical
experience of various groups of people united—or divided—by social
and political practice may help us find the root causes of modern crises
and ways to overcome them.
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4 |
ID:
189856
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Summary/Abstract |
The article investigates the impact of the 2022 European security crisis on
global hegemony. The author conceptualizes international hegemony as
a legitimate rule based on the provision of club and public goods, and on
coercion. The more benefits a hegemon’s allies get from such international
order and the more they fear coercion, the more they are willing to
contribute to the hegemonic project. In recent years, the academic
literature has increasingly documented the United States’ decline as a
hegemonic power. In trying to consolidate power and optimize costs, the
hegemon has shattered international regimes it helped create, thereby
losing much of its international legitimacy. A comparative analysis of the
European reaction to the 2014 and 2022 Ukraine crises shows how the
perceived “Russian threat” to security has instantly boosted the legitimacy
of NATO and the U.S. as the main security provider. As a result, the U.S. no
longer faces opposition from its allies to its attempts to dismantle existing
international regimes and halt the production of public goods.
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5 |
ID:
189850
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Summary/Abstract |
Turbulent events on the world stage are leading to inevitable changes, but
what kind of changes? Can we understand what the world situation will
look like when the current crisis ends? We have asked leading intellectuals
from countries outside the Western community to share their thoughts.
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6 |
ID:
189854
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Summary/Abstract |
Current geopolitical divisions are causing global markets to stop
functioning normally. Markets themselves have become fragmented,
supply chains are more unsafe, and incentives to invest in and expand
production have weakened.
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7 |
ID:
189853
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Summary/Abstract |
The war in Ukraine is the culmination of the geo-economic and geopolitical
struggle of the so-called Rest (non-Western countries) for political and
civilizational divergence from the global universalization promoted by
the collective West. It will have profound and long-term global political,
economic, and institutional consequences for the New International Order.
This paper argues that the Grand Split that is taking place today is, in fact,
a non-peaceful breakdown of the current West-led international rules-based
order. This is a war with the collective West that is taking place in Ukraine
with differentiated support of some countries from the Rest. Ukraine is thus
the epicenter of a larger conflict.
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8 |
ID:
189859
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Summary/Abstract |
The author looks at the collection of essays entitled On Strategy: A Primer
(2020) as an insight into U.S. policies and strategy. These two basic levels
are invariably present in any armed conflict; however, the purpose of this
article goes beyond the boundaries of a standard review. At first glance,
the problem of effectively blending foreign policy and strategy may seem
groundless, far-fetched, and completely out of touch with reality. The author
argues that this impression is misleading. The inaccurate distribution of
responsibilities between policy and strategy and the tendency to constantly
confuse their functions potentially poses serious risks even to such a
superpower as the United States. An unbiased glance cast from a distance
gives a better view of the prerequisites for mutual alienation of the political
and strategic horizons of U.S. military efforts.
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9 |
ID:
189855
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Summary/Abstract |
It is commonly known that the Liberal International Order (LIO) emerged
after World War II and reached its pinnacle in the 1990s when its key
proponent—the United States—enjoyed a hegemonic position on the global
scene. However, the LIO’s true roots should be traced to much earlier times,
to the late 18th century, when two distinct tracks, economic and political,
emerged in European politics. Observers tend to overlook the LIO’s dual
nature formed by these two tracks, thereby missing its key inherent problem.
While the LIO’s economic track may be acceptable to all, its political track,
embodied in the Democratic Peace concept, serves only to polarize the world.
Importantly, the current discourse on the LIO is taking place at a post-
hegemonic time. So, those who keep insisting on the possibility of saving
the LIO, which was relevant for a short liberal hegemonic era, miss the point
that the current diverse world requires a new kind of international order.
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10 |
ID:
189848
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Summary/Abstract |
I worked on this article in 1993-1994. Published in Polis magazine
in 1995, it was the first part of a bigger project. The second article,
also published in Polis #2, 1996, analyzed the image of Ukraine and
Ukrainians in the Russian press after the collapse of the USSR. I
thought it would be useful to reread the article written more than
a quarter of a century ago, because some of the issues addressed in
them resonate with the current situation. In those distant days, the
John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation financed the project,
and colleagues from Lvov helped collect the material. The article is
reprinted unchanged and unabbreviated, but I have provided it with
some comments, which appear in the text as insertions in italics.
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11 |
ID:
189847
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Summary/Abstract |
Let us imagine a clairvoyant
describing the present day twenty
years ago, when the first issue of
Russia in Global Affair was
in the
making. We would not have believed
it. Interestingly, in reverse perspective,
we seem to see the opposite, and
think that it could not have been
otherwise: the current events were
predetermined back then and even
earlier. This is why the course of events
was irreversible, and the current
situation is just a natural result.
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12 |
ID:
189858
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Summary/Abstract |
Grand strategy studies continue to expand as more attempts are being made
to bring clarity to its theoretical conceptualization and distinguish it from
other, narrower conceptual approaches to policy-making. This article applies
some of the theoretical findings from a recent study of Russia’s grand
strategy to the analysis of the country’s policy towards the Asia-Pacific.
This conceptualization is then used to explore the India-Russia bilateral
relationship in order to define the causes of its current stagnation. The
paper argues that the non-implementation of the Russian grand strategy
in the Asia-Pacific is one of the reasons for the inertia in Moscow’s “special
and privileged strategic partnership” with New Delhi.
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13 |
ID:
189857
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Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the growing confrontation between China and the
United States in the Asia-Pacific, primarily in countries neighboring China.
Based on an analysis of the political documents, motives, and real policies
of both countries, the paper concludes that this confrontation will escalate
in the coming years.
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