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| 1 |
ID:
190256
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite Israel’s attempts to portray the Abraham Accords as a great success, the Arab publics reject the attempt to bypass the Palestinians and there won’t be peace without resolving the conflict.
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| 2 |
ID:
190250
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| Summary/Abstract |
Marwan Barghouti has already spent 27 years in an Israeli prison and in exile, the exact number of years that Nelson Mandela spent in a South African prison. In my view, these 10,000 days in prison and in exile have transformed Barghouti into the ultimate leader of the Palestinian people. At this point, he is the only one who can extricate us from the quagmire we are in.
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| 3 |
ID:
190251
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Palestinian situation has not been this bad since the Nakba in 1948. The situation in the West Bank, including Jerusalem, and in the Gaza Strip requires not only reform; it needs a deep and extensive change, which in turn will allow for the reunification of the Palestinian land and the Palestinian political system. The central question here is how to achieve that change. The group in power will resist any changes and will try to preserve their personal interests. Several Israeli actors also want to ensure continuity and entrenchment of the current Palestinian situation, because as the Palestinian political division and paralysis persists, it facilitates their pursuit of settler colonialism of the West Bank, including Jerusalem; their continued rejection of any meaningful political solutions; and even their attempts to negate the national existence of the Palestinian people.
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| 4 |
ID:
190246
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| Summary/Abstract |
The theme of this latest issue of the Palestine-Israel Journal was born of the pessimistic mood that pervaded a recent meeting of the PIJ Editorial Board. As is our usual practice, the meeting began with a discussion of the current situation. The board members pretty much outdid each other in expressing their anger, frustration, and apprehension regarding the future, with the Palestinians sharing accounts of the misery in which they live and we Israelis rather shamefacedly sharing accounts of the gulf between us and our fellow citizens who are going about their business as if, in the words of the late Golda Meir, there is no Palestinian people.
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| 5 |
ID:
190249
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| 6 |
ID:
190253
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the Nakba in 1948, the Palestinians have struggled under conditions that have jeopardized their very existence, in addition to the alarming fact that their leadership is still suffering from lack of vision and shortcomings that prevent it from addressing what is needed, deepening the political crisis on all levels. Currently the Palestinians are at a dangerous crossroads, and this crossroads has two ways out: Either Palestinian leaders continue stumbling with a rhetoric detached from the Palestinian reality while regurgitating the past with its political and revolutionary vocabulary until they disperse, or they move forward with a clear political strategy that defines the parameters of a new stage and face the attempts to diminish and neutralize the Palestinian legitimate struggle for freedom.
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| 7 |
ID:
190247
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Palestinian cause is going through a phase that is considered the most dangerous in its history and whose main characteristics are embodied in the endeavor to push it into oblivion, counting on the factor of time and the repercussions of the international crises that have surfaced as a result of the Russia-Ukraine war. This coincides, too, with a series of systematic and accelerated Israeli actions on the ground aimed at marginalizing the conflict and pushing it from the political to the humanitarian domain. This is being done in the absence of the historical Arab commitment to the Palestinian cause, a commitment that no longer exists in light of the abandonment of the Arab Peace Initiative (API) and the rapid normalization conducted by some of the Arab states, which relinquished the principle of an Israeli withdrawal from the Palestinian territories as a precondition to establishing any relations with Israel in accordance with the API adopted at the Beirut Summit in 2002. This is happening at a time when the Palestinian national movement is suffering from a strategic problem concerning national action.
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| 8 |
ID:
190260
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| Summary/Abstract |
Before getting into the substance of the matter, I thought I would provide some background context to my involvement in Palestinian-Israeli issues, which goes back to the war of 1967 and even before then.
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| 9 |
ID:
190261
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| Summary/Abstract |
The following is the text of Sam Bahour’s opening remarks at a Balfour Project webinar that took place on September 15, 2022.
I must state upfront that, although I am a direct stakeholder in this issue, I am fully aware that I do not represent all the Palestinian stakeholders and can only speak for myself. This should be self-evident since each forcefully fragmented reality of Palestinian existence, be it Ramallah, Nablus, Jerusalem, Gaza, or the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in Lebanon, just to name a few, rightly has a voice in how our struggle for national liberation should proceed.
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| 10 |
ID:
190259
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| Summary/Abstract |
Any political solution that is not based on ending the Israeli occupation and on the international legitimacy parameters on which the peace process was established is doomed to fail.
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| 11 |
ID:
190254
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| Summary/Abstract |
We (Israel and Palestine) have been in political deadlock at least since the end of the Olmert-Abbas negotiations in 2008-2009. No real negotiations have taken place since then, and of course, no progress has been made toward resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. During those long years, Israel continued to build settlements and widen its military occupation. Israel’s occupation infrastructure — physical and bureaucratic — makes it difficult to imagine that partition of the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea into two states for two peoples is even possible. Additionally, with years of no contact, especially between young Palestinians and Israelis, there appears to no longer be a majority on either side of the conflict in support of the Olso paradigm of a two-state solution. Public opinion could change if there emerged leaders who were genuinely committed to the two-state solution, but they do not appear to exist at this time. Even if there is no longer a viable two-state solution, however, eventually Israelis and Palestinians will have to return to the table to determine how we are going to live together on this land – one state, two states, three states, 10 states, federation, confederation, or perhaps some sort of hybrid model. Until then, and in order to reach that reality, there are many things that Israelis, Palestinians, Israelis and Palestinians together, and international actors could do to push us forward toward a better future. The following are some suggestions regarding what can be done.
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| 12 |
ID:
190258
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Israeli peace camp must step outside its reliance on brandishing slogans to influence public opinion and must recognize opportunities to take actual steps to implement its ideals.
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| 13 |
ID:
190257
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the same time that I was asked to write a piece on what needs to be done as an exit strategy to emerge from the current stalemate, many are still diagnosing the situation. One should not downplay the importance of diagnosis ahead of treatment. What needs to be done might seem complex to many; however, I would argue that it is important not to opt for repetitive strategies which have failed. The step-by-step approach has been tried repeatedly with no success.
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| 14 |
ID:
190245
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| Summary/Abstract |
On the same day of the new Israeli Knesset inauguration, the Palestinians were celebrating the 34th anniversary of their independence declaration from 1988, though they are still under occupation witnessing an ongoing diminishing opportunity of making that independence a reality on the ground.
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| 15 |
ID:
190252
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| Summary/Abstract |
Next year will mark the 30th anniversary of the Oslo Accords. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had accepted the two-state solution five years earlier, and Europe had adopted it eight years prior to that in the Venice Declaration. Since then, the reality in the territories Israel occupied in 1967 has changed radically. Readers of this journal are very familiar with these changes and there is no need to repeat them here. The argument about apartheid vs. settler colonialism, and whether the apartheid includes the 1948 territories, is interesting but not relevant to this article. What is relevant is the reality of the new situation. And a new situation demands that we courageously examine the validity of our past thoughts and actions.
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| 16 |
ID:
190248
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| Summary/Abstract |
The results of the Israeli elections are adding to the fatalistic attitude prevalent in the Israeli public and in the international arena regarding the chances of saving Israel from a binational catastrophe. Every day I hear the skeptical voices of people who don’t understand why I devote most of my energy to promoting initiatives and ideas to end the occupation, which I see as the most significant danger to the future of the State of Israel. In this article I will deal with refuting the skeptical approach.
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| 17 |
ID:
190255
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| Summary/Abstract |
Typically, a swamp is full of water that is either stagnant or moving very slowly. The water is rather shallow, with a changing plenitude of flora and fauna affected by many factors such as seasonal changes in water levels, materials flowing into the swamp, the amount of light, and the presence of occasional large mammals. Inside the swamp is an entire world, largely dependent on external factors that determine much of what goes on in it. Some of the creatures inside the swamp become extinct, while others develop defense mechanisms or rather a mechanism that enables them to continue living in spite of the toxic, harmful materials flowing in. Others, either by chance or pure luck, become amphibians – creatures who are able to leave the swamp but cannot be disconnected from it.
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