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| 1 |
ID:
190390
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| Summary/Abstract |
The current COVID-19 pandemic has had a huge impact on global health security, and some developed countries have promoted "vaccine nationalism" based on the principle of self-interested supremacy and have adopted the approach of seizing pre-sale opportunities in the procurement of vaccines and competing for the right to distribute vaccines to obstruct fair and reasonable distribution of vaccines worldwide. This article analyses the current situation of and predicament caused by the pandemic in the Middle East which has to bear the brunt of the influence and detrimental impact of vaccine nationalism. By analysing the vaccine cooperation model and mechanism between China and countries in the Middle East, this article investigates how China's vaccine cooperation in the Middle East has transcended vaccine nationalism. Vaccine nationalism has not only affected the availability of vaccines in countries in the Middle East but also threatened the health and safety of the region. The international vaccine cooperation between China and Middle Eastern countries is therefore an effective hedge against the negative impact of vaccine nationalism, highlighting China's fundamental stance to safeguard the attributes of vaccines as public goods and also demonstrating to the international community China's exemplary role in the fight against the pandemic.
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| 2 |
ID:
190388
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the perspective of factional politics, this article sheds light on the functions and operations of the Central Liaison Office and the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office (the "two Hong Kong offices") throughout the history of the Communist Party of China (CPC), focusing on the 2013–22 period. The authors posit that the stronger the factional relationship between the top leader responsible for Hong Kong affairs and the heads of the two Hong Kong offices, the greater the policy consistency between the two offices and the central authorities on Hong Kong issues. This article uses text mining techniques to measure the degree of policy consistency between Chinese President Xi Jinping and the two Hong Kong offices from 2013 to 2022. In 2020, Xi appointed his protégés as directors of the two Hong Kong offices, thus regaining absolute control over Hong Kong affairs. Xi may further tighten his hold on Hong Kong in the future, thereby undermining the region's autonomous status.
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| 3 |
ID:
190393
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article uses 2012–18 China Family Panel Survey (CFPS) panel data to study the impact of government transfer payment receipt on extracurricular tuition expenditure for children of urban families requiring aid. Findings have shown that government transfer payments increase extracurricular tuition spending for children and have a positive impact on total family expenditure with regard to children's education. Heterogeneity tests indicate that the impact is significant in the central and eastern regions of China, among children above seven years old and children in one-child families. The authors attribute the positive effects to parents' increased awareness of the importance of education and to increased opportunities for children from assisted families to participate in extracurricular tuition classes. This article proposes policy recommendations to improve the government transfer payment system in urban China.
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| 4 |
ID:
190386
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article sheds light on the indigenous knowledge structure of China's discursive power strategy and foreign policy practices, as they relate to the development of norms and historicised narratives. Previous studies into China's interstate and foreign communication tend to focus on the Communist Party of China's (CPC) preference for authoritarian, top-down control of the revolutionary zero-sum game, thereby overlooking the representational images and internalisation of symbols underlying its normative speech acts. This study finds elements of social continuity in China's localised style of discourse securitisation that are subtly implicit in its public communicative intent. The aim of the article is to facilitate understanding of the sociopolitical processes driving China's foreign affairs-related dialogue repertoire.
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| 5 |
ID:
190387
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Communist Party of China enhanced its local presence by establishing a branch in the Theravada Buddhist wat in Dehong. Such direct political engagement in a religious venue, however, does not lead to grievances from the locals. This article finds that if the purely ideological differences can be well managed at the local level, the religion and the Party can cooperate with each other and maintain a harmonious relationship. This article reflects on the state–religion antagonism paradigm and argues that an alternative paradigm—an interests-based paradigm—should be prioritised when studying relations between the state and religion in China.
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| 6 |
ID:
190391
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's bold Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a multilateral framework of international cooperation particularly across developing countries, has captured worldwide attention and seen varied responses from different countries. While developed economies have often critiqued the Initiative and have also endeavoured to encircle and counterbalance China's ambitions through multilateral alliances, most developing countries appear to welcome the Initiative. As recipients of the Initiative, how do Malaysians perceive China, especially since the BRI started in 2013? What are the factors that determine the popular perceptions of China in Malaysia? Comparing public opinion data from the third and fourth waves of the Asian Barometer Survey, the author conducts an intervention analysis, a difference-in-differences (DID) analysis, and a multiple regression analysis to assess the impact. These empirical exercises reveal that the popular perceptions of China in Malaysia significantly improved since the launch of the BRI, as the economic incentives through the BRI loom larger over time. In addition, the author also conducted in-depth interviews and assembled other independent sources of survey data to further corroborate the above findings with more nuances of the attitudinal change.
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| 7 |
ID:
190385
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reveals how COVID-19 has provoked the enactment of recent emergency regulations and the implications for criminal justice policy and practice in the People's Republic of China (PRC). In what the authors describe as a principle that "special times call for special measures", China's legal approach to the challenges created by COVID-19 resembles the country's enduring crime control "strike hard" strategy. Under the banner of "dynamic zero-COVID", this analysis also demonstrates the practice of cautious law enforcement as seen through the "strike hard" practices. This is encapsulated by the augmentation and specification of "risk-creation" offences as well as the emerging trend that favours charging risk perverse actions as more serious offences when assessing punishment.
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| 8 |
ID:
190392
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the untold stories behind the Canada–China grain trade in the 1960–63 period. According to some archived records of Canadian business proceedings that have yet barely been examined, non-state agents in both nations took joint initiatives to deliver these grain sales, demonstrating pragmatic attitudes to de-escalate political tensions. Despite intensive disputes that persistently sabotaged trade normalisation, many actors devoted tireless efforts consistent with the future trend of public diplomacy. Acting on behalf of local civil societies and business associations, Canadian wheat trade agents facilitated effective two-way communication with their Chinese peers. The emphasis on common interests, rather than on ideological assertion, helped to contain political distrust with "de-othering" narratives. Increased engagement by civilian stakeholders thus served to hedge against political risk exposures.
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| 9 |
ID:
190389
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| Summary/Abstract |
When tensions between rival great powers become less predictable, how do small powers exploit their flexibility to increase their opportunities for survival? As a small power caught between China and the United States, Taiwan has established a unique brand of public diplomacy that seeks to win influence in Washington by influencing elite opinions and further deepening the already intricate social connections within the policy community. Through process tracing, this article uses generic case analyses of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) and the Global Taiwan Institute (GTI) to address one area of apparent continuity and one area of apparent intensification in Taiwan's think tank diplomacy. The article concludes that, as much as funding and democratic values are significant factors, the deepening of intersocietal ties enables Taiwan to punch above its weight in influencing Washington's thinking, while reinforcing and maintaining the connections between them.
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