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| 1 |
ID:
190242
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| Summary/Abstract |
Language public policy is a key issue in Galician politics. Its symbolic uses have proven to be a powerful political resource in partisan competition. This article analyzes the strategies of the three main Galician political parties to test three related hypotheses about how political competition and language public policy are linked: (i) adversary language public policy works as a valid strategy for opposition and electoral campaigning, but (ii) it becomes a major policy problem once in office, both for nationalist and non-nationalist parties, and (iii) advocating for careful balance between languages is the best political strategy for language public policy once in office. The Spanish and Galician right-wing party, Popular Party—PP/PPdeG—which was in office between 1989 and 2005, has strategically promoted language public policies based on an alleged equilibrium between the Spanish language—Castellano—and the Galician language—Galego—to gain nationalist conservative voters and to divide the nationalist political space. During this period, the nationalist—Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG)—and socialist—Partido dos Socialistas de Galicia (PSdeG/PSOE)—opposition have supported positive discrimination for the Galego language. Political change in 2005 switched their positions; PP stood for increasing protection for Castellano, while the new nationalist and left-wing government promoted a stronger status for Galego. PP’s return to office in 2009 has switched the positions again.
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| 2 |
ID:
190239
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper explores why the production of communal fear via demographic and political-economic factors can explain group behavior (here the Maronites of Lebanon) in diverse ethnic, religious and sectarian plural societies rather than a strict reliance on structural and instrumental explanations. It argues that communal fear, deeply entrenched in political, socioeconomic and anthropological interpretations of groups’ fertility rates, migration patterns, land ownership and shares of industry and agriculture inter alia, can explain Maronites’ everyday practices of preferring land purchases in certain (ethno-religiously defined-) areas, occupying specific jobs and dominating certain economic sectors. While we acknowledge the role of individual cognition—Lebanese citizens’ ability—in breaking away from the clutches of group thinking, we find that many pervasive political, economic and social factors reaffirm group solidarity in plural societies; thus rendering useful the concept of communal fear in explaining how members of groups adopt everyday practices to hedge against perceived risks.
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| 3 |
ID:
190238
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This research seeks to enhance our understanding of consociationalism’s effectiveness in managing differences in plural societies by assessing its applicability to Pakistan. The primary objective of the paper is to determine whether consociationalism is the best solution for managing ethnic diversity in Pakistan. The article applies a mixed-methods approach and relies on secondary and primary sources. The study argues that the success of consociationalism appears uncertain in the face of intragroup party-based divisions, constant fluctuations in ethnoregional party support, the territorial nature of political grievances, and democratic instability in Pakistan. Equally, the lack of various favorable conditions for consociationalism in the case endangers its viability. In addition, the majority of all ethnolinguistic groups do not prefer consociational solutions to ethnic differences. This analysis suggests that consociationalism cannot be a one-size-fits-all solution because not all plural societies are compatible with this system. Therefore, consociationalism is not a universally viable option for all multiethnic societies, and its utility varies across cases.
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| 4 |
ID:
190241
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| Summary/Abstract |
The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the integration phenomenon of the Chinese diaspora from the perspective of integration policies adopted by Vietnam’s regimes through the ages, which can also be referred to as “assimilation.” The “Minh Hương” are seen as the result of the Vietnamese authorities’ assimilation policy toward the Chinese diaspora in Vietnam and parts of the Chinese diaspora’s decision to integrate into the host society. Thereby, the problem of the “Minh Hương” in Vietnam has reflected the change in ethnic identity of the Chinese diaspora. Thus, the article aims to answer the main research question: how have the Minh Hương expressed their ethnic identity throughout history?
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| 5 |
ID:
190240
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| Summary/Abstract |
The process of Italian unification between 1859 and 1866 triggered an increase in emigrations and renunciations of Austrian citizenship on the part of Triestines with origins in northern Italy. Petitioners explained to local authorities that their links with Trieste were merely due to commercial reasons. In applying for Piedmontese and, after 1861, Italian citizenship, the language these men used often denoted forms of national indifference, rather than fully-fledged Italian patriotism. The inconsistencies that primary sources reveal shed light on applicants’ opportunism, tied to national indifference and indeterminacy, and triggered by the recent national legibility introduced by regime change.
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| 6 |
ID:
190244
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Two hypotheses are common in the literature on the electoral turnout of Indigenous people. The first is that Indigenous people vote less given their disadvantaged socioeconomic conditions. The second is that Indigenous people vote more when the alternatives on offer are relevant to them. To evaluate both perspectives, we study the election of members of a constitutional convention responsible for drafting a new Constitution 2021. For this election, 155 seats were to be distributed, 17 of which were reserved for Chile’s 10 native peoples, to whom a special ballot paper was assigned. Of registered Indigenous voters, only 22.8% voted using the Indigenous ballot, while the overall turnout stood at 43.4%. We present three findings. First, the use of the Indigenous ballot was greater in those municipalities with a larger proportion of Indigenous people, which pointed to a strong territorial determination of turnout. Second, the electoral turnout of the 10 native peoples is highly uneven, with greater participation observed in people that are less numerous. Third, although the overall electoral turnout in a municipality was lower the greater the number of its Indigenous people, the opposite occurred in Araucanía, a region with the largest proportion of Indigenous population.
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| 7 |
ID:
190243
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Taking document analysis as its method, this article examines the impact of the European Parliament's (EP) support for the international recognition of Tibetan claims to self-determination. Conceding to various national and international pressures, the Tibetans have switched their demand from independence to autonomy. The EP has supported this demand and urged the Chinese government to recognize self-determination through autonomy and self-government. Against this background, this article examines - What is the impact of the EP’s support on the international recognition of the Tibetans’ right to self-determination? It argues that the EP’s support has further obstructed the recognition of the Tibetans’ self-determination. Interpreting the EP’s support as a violation of sovereign norms, the Chinese state has concentrated its efforts to prevent international support for Tibetan nationalism, and the EU is finding it difficult to contest the Chinese efforts due to its economic and strategic interests. It has not stood by its own parliament’s endorsement of self-determination through autonomy, nor has it made Tibetan nationalism a part of its human rights agenda. It has begun to adopt a universal human rights approach that does not address nationalist claims and prepares a permissive international environment for the Chinese government to ignore nationalist demands.
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