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| 1 |
ID:
169505
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| Summary/Abstract |
Niagara Falls is one of the world’s most iconic natural features. Yet in many ways Niagara Falls is decidedly unnatural, for the United States and Canada physically manipulated this waterfall over the course of the twentieth century so that its waters could be diverted for hydropower production while still ostensibly retaining the cataract’s aesthetic beauty for tourism. While this appears contradictory, since the latter depends on ample amounts of water flowing over the Falls while the former requires water going around the Falls, experts believed that they could engineer a compromise and essentially fool the public. Following the 1950 Niagara River Diversion Treaty, the two North American nations constructed hydroelectric stations and remedial works (various engineering interventions including excavations, fills, reclamations, weirs, and dams) at Niagara Falls that allowed for the majority of the water volume to be diverted for power production. Moreover, the largest of the Niagara cataracts, the spectacular Horseshoe Falls, was reshaped in an effort to hide the fact that the majority of the Niagara River’s water volume was abstracted.
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| 2 |
ID:
169504
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1971, the governments of the United States (U.S.) and China resumed a high-level diplomatic dialogue after two decades of nearly hermetic isolation and simmering conflict that had followed the foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. More than seven turbulent years later, the two governments “normalized” their relationship and formally resumed official diplomatic relations, having resolved or indefinitely shelved their most fundamental points of conflict. A number of Chinese, U.S., and international scholars have argued that the varying condition of U.S. and particularly Chinese domestic politics was a critical determinant of the sea change in the relationship in this period. The Cultural Revolution dashed tentative U.S. hopes of re-establishing contact in the late 1960s before the winding down of that movement in the early 1970s paved the way for a beginning to rapprochement; the Watergate crisis helped delay normalization beyond President Richard Nixon’s time in office and until the rise of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, whose domestic agenda of rapid modernization expedited a final bilateral agreement.
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| 3 |
ID:
169503
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In the early 1970s, Americans of both parties came to resent what they saw as their government’s acceptance of the United States’ declining global power and the Third World’s rise. In speech after speech at the United Nations, Third World representatives denounced the postwar economic order as unequal and immoral, designed by and for the benefit of rich Western countries (above all the United States). On May 1, 1974—International Labor Day—the UN General Assembly adopted the “Group of 77” (G-77) developing countries’ resolution calling for “economic decolonization” and a “right to development” through the establishment of a New International Economic Order (NIEO).1 Acting just months after Arab members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) quadrupled the price of oil, the NIEO’s Third World supporters hoped to negotiate a redistribution of money and power from the global North—the rich capitalist countries—to the global South—everyone else but the Communist bloc. Their weapon was control over the price of major commodities, especially oil, that had made possible the United States’ and Europe’s spectacular prosperity after World War II. “What we aim,” explained Venezuela’s President and OPEC leader Carlos Andrés Pérez, “is to take advantage of this opportunity when raw materials, and energy materials primarily, are worth just as much as capital and technology, in order to reach agreements that will ensure fair and lasting balances.”
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| 4 |
ID:
169502
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| Summary/Abstract |
Shortly after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the U.S. physicist Louis Ridenour penned a short play for Fortune magazine detailing how a future nuclear war might start. “Pilot Lights of the Apocalypse” opens in an underground command center beneath San Francisco, where a small group of high-ranking military officials give the U.S. president a tour of the facility. The commanding general explains that there are over 5,000 bomb-equipped satellites in orbit above the earth, owned by a host of different countries, ready to strike enemy cities in the event of major hostilities. Because such a strike would descend from outer space, however, determining from where an attack originated is impossible. The command staff must therefore rely on “political” data—an ever-shifting list of political agitators—to determine which enemies might have the greatest motivation to initiate a war.
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| 5 |
ID:
169501
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Hawaiian Islands were annexed by the United States in July 1898, it marked the culmination of a chain of events orchestrated by white, mostly American, lawyers and businessmen. In 1887, this group had imposed upon the Hawaiian king, Kalākaua, a constitution effectively stripping the monarchy of its executive powers. Six years later, however, they still found themselves frustrated by the ability of Kalākaua’s successor, Queen Lili‘uokalani, to manipulate the political process. Therefore, in January 1893, they colluded with the U.S. minister to Hawai‘i and troops in Honolulu harbor to elicit the queen’s abdication, and with it the end of the monarchy. The desired annexation to the United States was not immediately forthcoming, so the provisional government declared a republic in July 1894, which endured until U.S. president William McKinley finally intervened to take the islands in 1898.
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| 6 |
ID:
169500
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On February 7, 1985, Mexican drug kingpins abducted Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena, stationed in Guadalajara, Mexico, then the epicenter of Mexico’s drug trade. Mexican and U.S. authorities conducted an intensive manhunt for both Camarena and his kidnappers, and the incident produced bitter conflict between Mexican leaders and the administration of Ronald Reagan. After nearly a month, the mutilated bodies of Camarena and Alfredo Zavala Avelar, a Mexican pilot who flew missions with him, turned up in the state of Michoacán.1 Camarena had cultivated alliances that ultimately led him to his death while embedded in the DEA’s fight against the drug trade in Mexico. According to the DEA’s institutional history, Camarena was “close to unlocking a multi-billion dollar drug pipeline,” a pipeline purportedly linked to the Mexican government.
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| 7 |
ID:
169499
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| Summary/Abstract |
After World War II, the Chinese Civil War and the Indochina War broke out one after another. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the League for the Independence of Vietnam (Viet Minh) launched cross-border military cooperation, challenging the legitimacy of the Kuomintang (KMT) in China and the French colonial regime in Indochina, and bringing together the socialist revolutionary cause of China and the anti-colonial movement of the people of Southeast Asia. At that time, the cooperation was mainly divided into three categories: First, when the guerrillas of the CCP in the southern border of China were forced to transfer to Vietnamese territory for concealment and training, the Viet Minh provided accommodation as well as financial and material support. Second, while they were in Vietnam, the CCP members assisted the Viet Minh in carrying out daily logistics, intelligence, and publicity work to help the Vietnamese army in training and in organizing the self-defence forces of the overseas Chinese. Third, starting from 1948, the CCP and the Viet Minh army carried out joint military operations on their border. Overall, the exchanges and cooperation between China and Vietnam from 1945 and 1947 were spontaneous, small-scale, scattered, and secretive. However, with the transformation of the Civil War in China in 1948, the exchanges and cooperation between the two sides took a strategic and long-term perspective. The Vietnamese first sent troops to help the Chinese side liberate the border areas, and then waited for the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to move to the south to help the Vietnamese resistance, laying the groundwork for an anti-France campaign after the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). At that time, the two parties of China and Vietnam were equal and mutually supportive, and the CCP’s leadership over the Viet Minh after its successful revolution was not yet formed. In short, the mutual assistance during the revolution between China and Vietnam advanced the process of the revolutionary war in the two countries, reconstructed the relations between the two parties and two countries, and had a far-reaching impact on the revolutionary situation in Southeast Asia and the development of the Asian socialist camp.
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| 8 |
ID:
169498
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| Summary/Abstract |
From 1950 to 1964, in response to a request from the Mongolian government, the Chinese government sent more than 20,000 workers to Mongolia in order to assist in its socialist construction. Making use of Chinese, Mongolian, and Soviet official documents, this article reconstructs the origins and process of sending Chinese workers to Mongolia. It shows that when the Chinese Communist Party and the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party were friendly with each other, China and Mongolia could tolerate disagreements and their respective failures to honor their agreements on the treatment of Chinese workers in Mongolia. However, when relations between the two partners soured, these workers became the scapegoats by which each side criticized and defamed the other. From the Chinese workers’ perspective, although they were passively involved in the personnel exchanges between China and Mongolia, they did become the crux of Sino–Mongolian relations under special circumstances. At the same time, affected by the fluctuations in those relations, some of them were imprisoned and some even paid the ultimate price with their lives. The fates of “ordinary people” who were involved in interactions between socialist countries in the context of the Cold War deserves attention and further study.
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| 9 |
ID:
169497
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| Summary/Abstract |
Foreign intern training is a typical case study for investigating personnel exchanges among socialist bloc countries during the Cold War. Receiving and training North Korean interns was the beginning of China’s foreign intern training program. Additionally, China’s training of foreign interns in the Cold War is an ideal case study for Chinese scholars who adopt transnational history approaches. In accordance with transnational history research approaches, studying the North Korean interns from the perspective of “bottom-up politics” contributes to the reconstruction of the history of Sino–North Korean relations. On the basis of primary documentation from Shanghai Municipal Archive as well as documents from the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archive and Hebei Provincial Archive, this article narrates the history of North Korea’s selecting of interns and China’s training of them in Shanghai from 1953 to 1967. The article reconstructs the daily interaction of the North Korean interns with their Chinese hosts. It highlights some of the common features in the evolution of the relations between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Korean Workers’ Party (KWP), and between the People’s Republic of China and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. From a longer and broader historical perspective, the article concludes that intern training programs usually became the victim of deteriorating bilateral relations. Thus, technical training served as an accurate barometer of the CCP–KWP relationship. It failed to be the driving force for promoting Sino–North Korean state-to-state relations.
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| 10 |
ID:
169496
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Zhengzhou Grinding Wheel Factory was a major project undertaken by German Democratic Republic (GDR, or East Germany) in the early years of the People’s Republic of China. It was a symbol of Sino– GDR cooperation and friendship between the two fraternal countries. To help build the factory, East German engineers came to Zhengzhou in 1954 and stayed until 1964, when the 10-year-long project was finally completed. They were the last group of foreign specialists remaining in China before the Cultural Revolution, and also comprised the few Europeans who experienced the Great Leap Forward, the Great Famine, and the ideological disputes between China and the Soviet bloc countries, which greatly damaged the project and were the primary reasons for the delay of its completion. The East German specialists weathered these storms and became tools of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands to maintain state relations with China. Their daily lives were deeply influenced by the development of and changes in Sino–GDR relations. Consequently, their attitudes towards the Sino–Soviet split are very complicated.
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| 11 |
ID:
169495
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| Summary/Abstract |
The period from the 1950s to the 1960s witnessed a significant change in the relationship between China and the Soviet Union, which evolved from that of a friendly partnership to one of antagonistic rivalry. This change also plunged Chinese students in different Soviet universities and research institutes into a more complex situation. As Sino–Soviet relations soured over time, these young students had to follow instructions from their homeland and adjust their roles and standpoints accordingly. While they were supposed to stand for the friendship between the two countries and as representatives of the driving force dedicated to socialist construction, they were, however, torn between their own studies and the political priorities of the state. In most cases, they had no choice but to give up hitherto relatively unconstrained lives and fight against revisionism, like frontline soldiers, based on their belief in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and their motherland. This in turn immediately put them under direct pressure and made them targets of tit-for-tat policies from Soviet authorities. As they were committed to prioritizing their political work rather than their own studies, they became integrated into the Chinese state as major players and witnessed the worsening trend in Sino–Soviet relations that eventually resulted in a complete breakdown.
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| 12 |
ID:
169494
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the early 1990s, transnational history has become a globally important methodological approach. Transnational historians question the study of history based on national borders and reject the national framework as a means for understanding the past. As U.S. historian Thomas Borstelmann notes, “They focused on migrations, trade, communications, cultural exchanges, political and religious identities”, human rights issues, international sports, and other forms of movement across and beyond national borders.1 In the past 30 years, transnational history has greatly influenced the writing of U.S. foreign relations history and Cold War history.
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| 13 |
ID:
169493
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Significant variation in the institutions and efficiency of public bureaucracies across countries and regions are observed. These differences could be partially responsible for divergence in the effectiveness of policy implementation, corruption levels, and economic development. Do imperial legacies contribute to the observed variation in the organization of public administrations? Historical foreign rule and colonization have been shown to have lasting effects on legal systems, political institutions, and trade in former controlled territories. Imperial legacies could also explain variations in the performance of public administrations. The author uses the case of Poland to investigate the long-term effects of foreign rule on bureaucratic systems. Historically, Poland was split between three imperial powers with very different public administrations: Prussia, Austria, and Russia. Statistical analyses of original data collected through a survey of more than 650 Polish public administrations suggest that some present-day differences in the organization and efficiency of bureaucracies are due to imperial legacies.
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| 14 |
ID:
169492
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| Summary/Abstract |
Why do citizens elect political actors who have perpetrated violence against the civilian population? Despite their use of atrocities, political parties with deep roots in the belligerent organizations of the past win postwar democratic elections in countries around the world. This article uses new, cross-national data on postwar elections globally between 1970 and 2010, as well as voting, survey, archival, and interview data from El Salvador. It finds that belligerents’ varied electoral success after wars can be explained not by their wartime levels of violence or use of electoral coercion, but by the distribution of military power at the end of conflict. It argues that militarily stronger belligerents are able to claim credit for peace, which translates into a reputation for competence on the provision of security. This enables them to own the security valence issue, which tends to crosscut cleavages, and to appeal to swing voters. The stronger belligerents’ provision of security serves to offset and justify their use of atrocities, rendering their election rational. This article sheds light on political life after episodes of violence. It also contributes to understanding security voting and offers insights into why people vote in seemingly counterintuitive ways.
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| 15 |
ID:
169491
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| Summary/Abstract |
Modern clientelist exchange is typically carried out by intermediaries—party activists, employers, local strongmen, traditional leaders, and the like. Politicians use such brokers to mobilize voters, yet little about their relative effectiveness is known. The authors argue that broker effectiveness depends on their leverage over clients and their ability to monitor voters. They apply their theoretical framework to compare two of the most common brokers worldwide, party activists and employers, arguing the latter enjoy numerous advantages along both dimensions. Using survey-based framing experiments in Venezuela and Russia, the authors find voters respond more strongly to turnout appeals from employers than from party activists. To demonstrate mechanisms, the article shows that vulnerability to job loss and embeddedness in workplace social networks make voters more responsive to clientelist mobilization by their bosses. The results shed light on the conditions most conducive to effective clientelism and highlight broker type as important for understanding why clientelism is prevalent in some countries but not others.
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| 16 |
ID:
169490
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How do legacies of conflict affect choices between state and nonstate legal institutions? This article studies this question in Chechnya, where state law coexists with Sharia and customary law. The author focuses on the effect of conflict-induced disruption of gender hierarchies because the dominant interpretations of religious and customary norms are discriminatory against women. The author finds that women in Chechnya are more likely than men to rely on state law and that this gender gap in legal preferences and behavior is especially large in more-victimized communities. The author infers from this finding that the conflict created the conditions for women in Chechnya to pursue their interests through state law—albeit not without resistance. Women’s legal mobilization has generated a backlash from the Chechen government, which has attempted to reinstate a patriarchal order. The author concludes that conflict may induce legal mobilization among the weak and that gender may become a central cleavage during state-building processes in postconflict environments.
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| 17 |
ID:
169489
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| Summary/Abstract |
Can transitional justice enhance democratic representation in countries recovering from authoritarian rule? The authors argue that lustration, a policy that reveals secret collaboration with the authoritarian regime, can prevent former authoritarian elites from extorting policy concessions from past collaborators who have been elected as politicians in the new regime. Absent lustration, former elites can threaten to reveal information about past collaboration unless the politicians implement policies these elites desire. In this way, lustration policies enable politicians to avoid blackmail and to be responsive to their constituents, improving the quality of representation. The authors show that whether lustration enhances representation depends on its severity and the extent to which dissidents-turned-politicians would suffer if the skeletons in their closets were revealed. The authors also find that the potential to blackmail politicians increases as the ideological distance between authoritarian elites and politicians decreases. They test this theory with original data from the Global Transitional Justice Dataset, which spans eighty-four countries that transitioned to democracy since 1946.
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| 18 |
ID:
169488
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite decades of experience in peace operations, most United Nations (UN) operations have faced serious criticism for being unable to implement the mandate. At the same time, while the UN is in the process of establishing a clear framework for performance evaluation, as of now, there are no standard criteria to judge the performance of a peace operation. Therefore, it will be unfair to make only the peace operation missions accountable because of their inability to implement the mandate. For an objective assessment, there is a need for a conceptual framework and to standardise the success criteria. This article makes an attempt to develop a conceptual framework for evaluating peace operations. Being one of the major troop-contributing countries (TCCs), the suggested framework may help India to pitch in with its own share of contribution to the development process of the framework for performance evaluation.
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| 19 |
ID:
169487
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| Summary/Abstract |
The deployment of the DF-41 ballistic missile in China shows that the nature of its nuclear posture is at a critical stage of evolution. On the one hand, the deployment illustrates the achievements in Chinese missile modernisation, which poses a threat to the US deterrence capacity. On other hand, it exposes the limitations in its deployment patterns. Far from the expected and seamless transition from solid to liquid fuelled missiles, China’s diversification plan of deploying the DF-41 along with new and improved liquid-fuelled Inter-Continental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) deployment show that its faith in the solid-based propellant missiles remains limited at present.
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| 20 |
ID:
169486
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the heart of ethical choices lies the complex interplay between individual intentions and environmental vectors. Factors such as stress, misguided motivations and the failure to handle positional power make the issue so very intriguing. Further, ethical dilemmas are often laden with inherent individual subjectivities, making it difficult to arrive at a singularly agreeable distinction between ‘right’ and ‘wrong’. Why do individuals transgress? Why do individuals give and take bribes? Why is it so difficult to report a course mate? This article seeks to focus on the behavioural side of ethics. It investigates the behavioural realm of ethics through the application of various principles from the newly emerging field of behavioural ethics, in order to expand the individual and organisational understanding of ethics and morality in the broader context of the military paradigm.
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